Archive for December, 2009

New Year Greetings and Inspiration from Ramakrishna-Vivekananda ideology and Tamil literature

by K.T. Kumaran

Arise and awake to serve all people and to bring goodness to all is what all humanity could resonate, at this time of beginning of a new year – 2010.

Sri Ramakrishna said, cultivating higher life is denouncing discrimination and recognition of divinity in everyone and in everything, compassion for the downtrodden and spirituality is final solution to worldly miseries and universal love.

According to The Vedanta Kesari, A monthly issue published by The Ramakrishna Order, several parallels can be drawn between Ramakrishna-Vivekananda ideology and twentieth century Tamil literature.

Swami Ramakrishna’s deep humanism has cast its influence on many literary compositions including in the works of Mahakavi Subramania Bharathi.

Drawing by a child who wants to be Bharathiyar. The drawing is hanging high in an office in Kalmunai, Sri Lanka – pic courtesy: Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai

Just as Bhagwan Sri Ramakasrishna called upon the youth of the country to arise and awake, Bharathiyar also wrote to Ilaya Bharatham (Young India).

Song by Mahakavi Subramania Bharathi, “Oli Padaitha Kanninai” (Thou with sparkling eyes), called upon the youth of the country to arise and awake to rejuvenate the land.

Here is the song ~ rendered by M.S. Subbulakshmi and a translation of the song:

Thou with sparkling eyes come, come, come
Strong hearted thou come, come, come
Thou with sweet words come, come, come
And with firm shoulders come, come, come.

Thou with serene mind come, come, come
Seeing smallness thou rage come, come, come
Thou with compassion for poverty come, come, come
And with mounting pace come, come, come

Young Bharatha come, come, come
Unmatched vigor thou hold come, come, come
Thou waiting to rise in rayless land
And like the rising sun come, come, come

Razed heartland to spruce afore
Restore splendor thou come, come, come
Thou as having seen all illustriousness
And come illustrate with your eyes come, come, come

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Sri Lanka President Rajapakse accused of “illegal” election campaign

The Sri Lankan branch of the Berlin based anti-corruption watchdog “Transparency International” in a 10 page report released on Thursday Dec 31st has accused Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapakse of utilising state property and public funds to illegally finance his re-election bid.

Pointing out that members of the Police,armed forces and public officials are being deployed to engage in propaganda activity the report also spotlights the $ 790,000 dollar advertising campaign conducted by the President’s son Namal Rajapakse for which public funds are being solicited.

The full text of the report is as follows:

Introduction

The abuse of public resources at elections seems to be a continuing activity in every election in Sri Lanka. The Program for Protection of Public Resource (PPPR) in its reports in 2004 and 2005 pointed out the manner in which these activities have taken place and their outcome. The trend seems even more ominous at the current Presidential Election.

It is extremely important that the public resists the use of public resources for election purposes because it is the public who bears the cost of abuse of public resources. The elected representatives are only the caretakers of public property which is at all times to be used for the benefits of the public. Just as the public condemn rape or murder, they ought to condemn and call upon law enforcement authorities to deal with those powerful persons who abuse public finance for personal gain at elections.

The Programme for the Protection of Public Resources of Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL), evaluates the integrity of the Presidential Election 2010 in the light of the misuse of public resources/property and non compliance with the directions/guidelines introduced by the Elections Commissioner in that regard.

A. The Political Environment in which the Election is Held

The Presidential Election due in 2012 was advanced to 2010 by the President as per the powers vested with him. This election was called at a historically important period, in which the government defeated the LTTE ending a bloodiest civil war prevailed more than 25 years.The election is contested in an environment where 110 MPs are holding ministerial portfolios. Even after the nominations for the election, the President appointed another crossed over MP as a cabinet Minister.

In addition to the Ministries and Departments, there are 168 State Corporations and Statutory Boards along with 93 companies with total control by the government. Directors of these public corporations are appointed by the Ministers and there is hardly any doubt that chairmen and directors of these corporations are appointed on political affiliations rather than on merit. The state owned companies are not subject to the government audit by the Auditor General’s Department and thus not reviewable by any of the finance committees in Parliament.

The 17th Amendment to the Constitution that guarantees an independent public service ceased to exist two years ago. Since then all major positions are being filled circumventing the required screening process by the Constitutional Council. The Election Commission which is envisaged to be established under the 17th Amendment was never formed despite the fact that the present Elections Commissioner has passed his age of retirement. As a result, the Elections Commissioner is tasked to discharge all the duties and responsibilities to conduct free and fair elections. Thus the accountability and the responsibilities of a whole commission are now vested with a single person with limited resources.

Sri Lanka has no right to information law to demand information from the state about its conduct. This prevents a transparent election process where the conduct and expenditure of public officers, institutions and political parties during the time of an election are prevented from the scrutiny of the public eye. Thus the legitimate right of the tax payer to know how their money is spent is veiled with a culture of secrecy.

B. Election Commissioner’s Guidelines & Instructions

As per the powers vested with him, the Commissioner of Election issued guidelines/directions/notices with the objective of ensuring a free and fair Presidential election.

For example

- Directions were issued on 08.12.2009 to all Secretaries of the Ministries, State Departments, Corporations and Statutory Bodies to prevent the abuse of public resources during election time. Among others these directions include nullification prohibition of any appointments, transfers and promotions of employees done or intended to be done on or after the 23.11.2009. These directions were publicly announced by publishing in national newspapers on 14.12.2009.

- A set of guidelines was issued by the Commissioner on 17.12.2009 to the electronic and print media to be observed in broadcasting, telecasting and publishing of matters relating to the Presidential Election.

- A guideline dated 07.12.2009 was issued to the Police Department regarding their duties in relation to the election

Although the objectives of these guidelines/directions/notices aimed at a free and fair election it is unfortunate to note these were observed in breach than conformity. The specific abuses highlighted in this report identify such non-conformities.

C. The Cost of Propaganda

It is evident that large sums of rupees are invested by the main candidates for their campaigns in the election resulting competing at election a high cost affair. For example a 4 colour poster (medium size) approximately costs between Rs.08 to Rs.12 for a quantity over 100,000 in the initial print. A cost of a 20X20 feet hoarding to be exhibited in Colombo city limits would cost around Rs.300,000/- and a larger hoarding would cost approximately Rs.500,000/-. At present it is not scarce to see hoardings carrying political messages in almost all major junctions in many towns and villages in the country.

It is legitimate and legally accepted norm that such expenses to be borne by the candidates themselves or their political parties/independent group. Under no circumstances it is permitted to use public resources consisted of monies of the tax payers in the country for individual or political party propaganda.

The high cost of involved in election campaigns is a contributory factor for using public property by candidates who have controlled over them. Despite being immoral and illegal, abuse of public property in any circumstances is unaffordable to a developing country like Sri Lanka where burdens may have to be carried by sectors such as education, health or public transport.

Given the huge sums involved in election propaganda, TISL urge the need of political parties disclosing the sources of their funding. Unfortunately, unlike many democratic countries, Sri Lanka does not have law compelling political parties to disclose their funding together with the source.

D.Specific Instances of Abuses

By 30th December 2009, the Programme for the Protection of Public Resources of TISL has received more than eighty (80) complaints from the public and its investigators about various abuses of public property and election laws/guidelines by the candidates.

Thus far relevant verified instances are mentioned below:

01. Temple Trees

Facilities at Temple Trees, the official residence of the President, are used to entertain people from various sectors for political purposes. At these events, most of the participants were transported to the venue at State expense and were provided with food and in some instances, even with liquor. The President justified such entertainment events where the cost was borne with the public money as a “normal cultural practice.”

Spending public resources for entertainment purposes and to promote candidacy of a party candidate, especially during the time of elections is clearly an unacceptable practice. During the Presidential Election in 2005, facilities at Temple Trees were abused for political propaganda activities by the then Prime Minister (the present President) and the expenditure incurred in those gatherings were never recovered by the State.

Given below are some of the groups entertained at political treats at Temple Trees in December 2009:

7th – Recipients of Swarnabhoomi deeds
8 th – Mediation Board officers
10th – Children of Samurdhi beneficiary families
10th – Officers of the Education Sector
11th – Members of Women Lawyers’ Association
13th – Lawyers
13th – Police officers
14th – Artists
15th – Dairy farmers

(The President also conducted a series of similar gatherings at the President’s House in Kandy, details of which will be given in future reports)

These gatherings are a violation of the essence of the public notice issued by the Election Commissioner on 08.12.2009 preventing the use of public property for the purpose of promoting a candidate during the election.

02. Public Buildings and Machinery

• A property belonging to the Ports Authority situated at 56/1 Mc-Callum Road, Colombo 10 is being used to print propaganda material in favor of the President. The said posters are seen in Colombo city and other parts of the country.

• A large stage to be the property of Sri Lanka Ports Authority was transported to Minuwangoda and used for the public rally on 27.12.2009, patronized by the President. Several employees from the Ports Authority and two vehicles registered as Ports Authority vehicles (registered numbers: 41 – 3995 and GJ – 2312) were discharged for this purpose.

03.Misuse of Vehicles

Vehicles belonging to various public institutions are reported to have been transporting supporters and used for propaganda across the country for the candidate of the UPFA. The vehicles of Sri Lanka Transport Board, different government ministries, departments and local government authorities were abused in this regard. Given below are few such instances:

(a) Nine lorries bearing the numbers WP-LG 4738, WP-LG 4740, WP-LG 4741, WP-LG 4742, WP-LG 4744, WP-LG 4745, WP-LG 4546, WP-LG 4547, WP-LG 4749 of Sri Lanka Ports Authority (purchased in 2009) are being released for election work of the UPFA in the Southern Province

(b) A fatal accident that took place at Koppara junction in Negombo on the night of 12.12.2009 involving a lorry bearing number LG-4608 belonging to the Ministry of Road Development and a double cab bearing no. NB 7414 belonging to the Chief Secretary of the Eastern Province. It was revealed that the lorry was transporting several cut-outs of the President at the time of the accident.

04. Use of Central Transport Board (CTB) Busses

There is almost a pattern of using CTB buses to transport crowds for meetings attended by President Rajapaksa. Two such instances are given below:

(a) The meeting of the UPFA on 27-12-2009, at Minuwangoda (Japalawatta) – Around 26 CTB busses were used to transport crowds free of charge from Nittambuwa, Attanagalla, Mattakuuliya, Udahamulla, Angoda, Wattegama and Teldeniya.

(b) The meeting held on 26-12-2009 in Alankuda Grounds in Kalpitiya – The Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), previously displaced from Jaffna and now living in Mannar, were transported by CTB busses free of charge.

(c) Crowds for several meetings in Temple Trees were brought in CTB buses. On 13.12.2009 a large number of CTB buses were used to transport police officers from outstations (in addition to police vehicles) to the temple trees.

05.Use of Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) Helicopters

On 24-12-2009, a SLAF helicopter carried Ministers Dallas Alahapperuma & Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, Member of Parliament Wimal Weerawansa and Western Provincial Council Minister Udaya Gammanpila to Kandy where they participated in a public meeting attended by Technical College Staff, Women’s Organisations and University Employees.

These acts violates the regulation of the Commissioner of Election issued on 08.12.2009 which prohibits the use of government motor vehicles and helicopters/aircrafts for the benefit of a candidate of the election.

06. Misuse of public officials and other public servants for political work

There are reports that many public officials from ministries and public corporations engaged in political party activities. Under the Establishments Code, Chapter XXXII, members of Armed Forces, Police, State Officers and Supervisory Officers etc. are prohibited from engaging in political activities, except to vote at an election. The Elections Commissioner, acting under the 17th Amendment to the Constitution has also prohibited usage of public officials/employees in political party activities pending an election. We give below some clear abuses in this regard:

(a) 71 security officers attached to the Ports Authority in Colombo were released for election work in the Southern Province in November 2009.

(b) Chairman of Airport and Aviation Service Ltd. had verbally ordered middle and minor grade employees of the Airport to go on duty leave to Colombo on 23-12-2009 to participate in a protest rally against a statement made by the common candidate of the opposition

(c) Several serving diplomats and officers of Foreign Service (appointed by the government outside the professional Sri Lanka Foreign Service. However the provisions of the establishment code is applicable to these officers during the tenure of their office) have returned to the country for campaign activities, while still being serving in their posts. One such instance is: Mr. Chandrapala Liyanage who is the second secretary to the consulate in Italy is presently in Sri Lanka and actively engaged in the campaign of the UPFA candidate.

(d) The Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, a key public servant of the present government, is actively engaged in political campaign for the UPFA candidate. For example he has addressed a political meeting on 19th December 2009 at a rally in Urapola, Kadugannawa. Among the other speakers were politicians.

07. Information Ministry facilities for the political programme titled ‘Esi Disi’

Facilities of the Information Department head office at the Narahenpita is being used for pro-UPFA public discussions/panel discussions attended by professionals, senior public officials and selected individuals with UPFA affiliations. The programme named “Esi Desi” has been introduced to discuss issues having a direct impact on elections. This protramme is operating under the patronage of the Director Information where the entire cost of the programme is borne by the Information Department.

08. State Media

Some of the key officials of few public media institutions are concurrently holding political party positions of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, the leading constituent party of the UPFA. This results in considerable amount of public resources in those institutions being used for promotion of one candidate and the policies of UPFA. These officials include:

(a) Hudsun Samarasinghe – Chairman of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation who is the organizer for Colombo West of Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). He anchors a number of TV/radior progammes which clearly support the candidate of the UPFA.

(b) vSudharman Radaliyagoda – Deputy General Manger of the Independent Television Network (ITN) is the SLFP organizer for Kurunegala District. He anchors few TV programmes based on contemporary political issues which are clearly titled towards the candidate of the UPFA.

(c) Karunaratne Paranawithana – Chief Executive Officer of the Sri Lanka Rupawahini Corporation (SLRC) is a SLFP organizer for Ratnapura district.

(d) Lalith de Silva – Reviewer of newspapers for ITN is a SLFP organizer for Colombo district.

Continuation of office of these individuals is a blatant violation of regulations issued by the Commissioner of Election on 17th December 2009 for the Electronic and Print Media. Particularly the regulation 15 states:

“If an individual (employee or any member of the board of the broadcasting or telecasting and newspaper institution) publicly identified holding an office in a political party, such person should withdraw from journalistic functions until the election is concluded and shall not be permitted to engage in any journalistic function at any broadcasting or telecasting institutions. The management must consider the implications for individuals involved in presentations and who are or might become known to the public.”

Further, the regulation20 states:

“The attention of the Chairpersons of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation is drawn to Article 154B(b) of the Constitution, which requires them to take all steps necessary to ensure compliance with these regulations.”

09. Tharunyata Hetak Advertisements

This youth organisation is reportedly receiving high contributions (by way of sponsorships) from several public institutions such as Bank of Ceylon and National Lotteries Board, both of which fall under the purview of the President. The key officials of this youth organization are the President’s sons Namal Rajapakse (chairman) and Yoshitha Rajapakse (vice chairman). A series of advertisements are carried out by this organization through radio and TV highlighting the need of a strong leader for the country. Although the advertisements do not mention a name of a candidate, it is not a secret or difficult to understand, for whom they stand for, given the direct political affiliation of this organization with the President and his regime and the content of the advertisements. The following data presents the number of spots retained by Tharunyata Hetak in the main stream TV channels and the cost involved:

Number of Spots for advertisements by TV Channels – between 1st to 21st December 2009

Channel – No. of Spots

EYE – 501
Derana TV – 305
ITN – 908
Rupavahini – 1285
SIRASA TV – 301
Swarnavahini – 254

Total spots – 3554

Total cost of the advertisements during this period, based on regular disclosed rate cards of the channels, amount to Rs.84,027,600/-. We have observed that another amount of Rs.5,842,000/- has been spent on radio advertisements. We note that the cost of political commercial is more than the normal rates disclosed in the rate cards. Further there is an additional cost of production, which has not been ascertainable as at present.

This raises the need to have a transparent political party funding in the country in addition to preventing electioneering at public expenditure.

10. Hoardings and Advertisements sponsored by Public Institutions

A large number of hoardings and advertisement sponsored by public institutions are displayed at various places in the country and published in newspapers supporting the President and his election messages. Below mentioned a few examples in this regard:

Display of Hoardings-

(i) Hoarding displayed at Nugegoda sponsored by the State Trading Corporation

(ii) Hoarding displayed in town hall sponsored by the Presidential Secretariat

(iii) Hoarding displayed in Thimbirigasyaya sponsored by Presidential Operational Office

(iv) Hoarding displayed in Matara sponsored by Sothern Development Authority

(v) Hoarding displayed in Matara sponsored by Ruhunu Radio

Advertisements Published:

(i) Advertisement published in Ravaya on 20.12.2009 sponsored by Board of Investment (BOI), Sri Lanka.

(ii) Advertisement published in Lankadeepa (Sunday Edition) 28.12.2009 sponsored by the Ministry of Tourism

(iii) Advertisement published Divayina on 29.12.2009 sponsored by Urban Development Authority and the Ministry of Urban Development and Scared Area Development

(iv) Advertisement published in Dinamina 29.12.2009 sponsored by Lanka Sathosa.

These are only few examples where tax payer’s money is used for the campaign of a single candidate of the election.

E. Specific Examples for the violation of the guidelines/regulations of the commissioner of Elections

(a) On 23-12-2009, Senior Supt. of Police in charge of Hambantota Division (Chandra Kumara) had, at a conference attended by officers in charge of Police stations in the District, said that no one should be permitted to remove, destroy or deface any cutouts of HE the President and that OICs will be held answerable for any incidents in this connection.

This is a blatant disregard of the guidelines issued by the Commissioner of Election to the Inspector General of Police to dismantle and remove illegal cutouts, banners posters etc.

(b) 650 people have been recruited from Matara District for the Railway Department as temporary labourers. The letters of appointment were issued after the Presidential Election was announced on 23rd of November 2009 but they were intentionally backdated to 17th November 2009 to circumvent the direction of the Commissioner of Election which prohibits any appointment to the government service after the 23rd November 2009.

(c) The hoardings, cutouts and other election related materials continue to be displayed in public places irrespective of the guidelines to the IGP by the Commissioner of Election to remove such materials.

F. Conclusion

The width and depth of abuses of state resources can be easily ascertainable from the above instances. What is of more concern is its impact on the integrity of the electoral process and the candidates who supposedly stand in election stages to safeguards the property and the rights of the people. Therefore, TISL urges the public to raise their voices against the continuation of these abuses. – Transparency International Sri Lanka

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Why did LTTE come to being in Sri Lanka and who really created it?

by Chaminda Weerawardhana

In responding so far to, “Desecration of Tiger war memorials deserve condemnation,” by Prof. Michael Robers many readers seem to have ignored these fundamental questions:

1. Why did the LTTE come to being?
2. Who really created the LTTE?

The answer to both questions, to cut a long, horrible story short, are:

1. Due to post-1948 Ceylonese/Sri Lankan government policies and:
2. The majority Sinhalese leadership(s)seeking narrow political gains and political mileage

Now, the SL government and a strongly Sinhala nationalist leadership (with a Sinhala supremacist discourse, coated in the false and dis-orienting stance of ‘patriots’ and ‘non-patriots’) has militarily defeated and decimated its own ‘bete noire’.

The main challenge now is that of reconciliation, making all Tamils (and other minorities) feel integrally Sri Lankan, and use all available talent and skills (especially from the Tamil community home and abroad) for post-conflict reconstruction, economic development and empowerment. In other words, all segments of the (divided)wider SL society have to be brought together around a common cause: to make Sri Lanka ‘take off’, make her part of the Asian economic boom and other global processes of fast-track and long-term development.

To reach these goals, a serious SL government needs to launch a massive project, based at least on two primary axes:

1. Political accommodation in terms of high politics – i.e. a political arrangement based on power-sharing in the N-E provinces, within a wider framework of devolution from the Centre (not the best gain, but the best available and realistically achievable option at the present stage)

2. National policy on reconciliation, mutual respect/understanding and coexistence – this is necessary to attempt at healing wounds of a 30-year conflict – A Truth and Reconciliation Commission should provide those affected by the war with a safe haven to ‘express’ their experiences and trauma – and record them for posterity. People’s perspectives on the ‘other’ should be changed through government policy (i.e. Sinhalese views on Tamils, issues within the Tamil community – developing harmony and dialogue among Northern, Eastern and Up country Tamils, and better mutual understanding in the wider Sri Lankan community).

In this process [axe 2], what Prof. Roberts mentions in this article comes into play crucially – continuing a sophisticated tradition of honouring the ‘fallen’, LTTE memorials should be left undeterred – this will help develop a sense of appreciation of the SL govt among supporters of hardline Tamil nationalism, especially in the Diaspora. To make it more ‘politically correct’, similar memorials could be built to remember fallen members of other Tamil armed/non-armed political groups (from FPC to the Eelam Left, including civil society activists such as Dr. R Thiranagama).

Most importantly, these memorials will enable future generations from across the ethnic divide to witness and learn about a bitter phase of the 20th century history of their motherland.

Why Tamils leave

The point here is that nobody in Sri Lanka’s political establishment is concerned as to how Tamils, especially young Tamil men and women feel, perceive and live the ground situation in the island.

Article such as “Land without checkpoints feels free to Tamil refugees,” could be easily condemned as ‘propaganda’ or efforts by the so-called West and the exiled Tamils to tarnish the ‘image’ of the Sri Lankan government….but what this blind critique blatantly forgets is that the government is thoroughly insensitive and totally unwilling to be sensitive to the real issues and concerns of young Tamil men and women. As long as this situation continues, illegal immigration will thrive, a whole lot of young Tamils will suffer, and the task of post-conflict transformation will remain un-achieved.

If Colombo ‘sincerely’ wants to change things for the better in terms of ethnic relations, it has to change its ideology and discourse, and resort to a new ideology of inclusion, de-militarisation, mutual respect and ethnic accommodation.

This by any means,does not look achievable on realistic grounds in the near future – as the country plunges from one crisis to another.

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Missing Tsunami donor funds and current development of North East Sri Lanka

Review and deliberation of Tsunami recovery process important in the context of current development of North and East Sri Lanka,” Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL), said in a statement marking the fifth anniversary of the 2004 tsunami.

TISL joins other several quarters that are urging for a tighter control against graft this time around, anticipating that the recent new North-East development initiatives by the World Bank and other donor agencies will build a good foundation for continued peace, rehabilitation and reconstruction if provided with adequate transparency.

Many express concern that new donor funds earmarked for North-East may get spent for other “unauthorised” projects just like in the case of the tsunami recovery programs.

TISL, in pointing that the authorities in Sri Lanka are failing to explain to what happened to tsunami recovery funds of over 471 million USD out of 1075 million USD provided by the donors, said:

“The difference between the disbursed and the expended has been a controversial issue that does not have a credible explanation. While some officials were reluctant to divulge the information, there were some responsible bodies, who implied that the funds have been utilized by the government for other purposes.”

In its statement to mark the fifth anniversary of the devastating Asian tsunami, Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) said the donors have also failed to keep their word.

More than 2126 million USD has been pledged by the donors but only 1075 million USD has been disbursed, according to the watchdog, TISL.

TISL’s conclusion and recommendations regarding the Tsunami Reconstruction process as follows:

a. TISL believes that it is a prime right of the people in Sri Lanka to know the true picture of the Tsunami recovery process. Therefore, the government should take every possible step to assure and respect the right to information of the general public of the country. Thus an audit should be done by the government to explain the utilization of the money received and the challenges faced.

b. All steps should be taken to arrest and remedy the existing problems in the recovery process. The participation of the public is paramount in this regard.

c. A special Committee of the Public Accounts Committee or an Independent Commission be constituted to review any remaining issues relating to the Tsunami Recovery Process and make necessary recommendations and lessons leant as related guidelines for the future.

d. TISL reiterates the importance of collating and documenting all the information of Tsunami 2004 in relation to both the relief and recovery process. Such deliberation is important in the context of current development in the North and East of Sri Lanka.

Unless the political leadership is committed to these recommendations, similar unfortunate experience will be repeated in the reconstruction of the North and the East of Sri Lanka.

Other media reports also stated that the World Bank, which recently concluded an audit of its $150-million tsunami rebuilding work, found out that a multitude of government agencies slowed down recovery programs leaving room for misuse of funds.

Sri Lanka was forced to refund the bank in cases where funds were misused. The bank said the government had bought 168 motorcycles for other work and claimed them from tsunami aid budgets.

The bank asked for a refund of $134,000 from the government in 2006 and finally had its cash refunded in May this year.

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Dictators or democrats, “truth becomes a revolutionary act” in Sri Lanka

by T. Earakan

Sri Lankans of several walks of life, from politicians to everyday readers have been ratcheting opinion on General Fonseka’s interview with The Sunday Leader, in several media outlets in the recent days. The remarks are mostly negative on the reported allegations by the General in the Sunday Newspaper, at least the ones being carried by prominent media organizations.

In the political front Disaster Management and Human Rights Minister, Mahinda Samarasinghe in various interviews continue to say that Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s recent statement to the Weekend newspaper has brought the country into disrepute. Several other government ministers, notably Minister of Export Development and International Trade Prof. G.L. Peiris and Cabinet spokesman Minister Anura Priyadharshana Yapa have been harping about common candidate Sarath Fonseka in various forums, over the Philip Alston query.

Yet the however small number of comments that have come across – in the form of “citizen journalism” – reader comments to articles on websites say significant number of Sri Lankans are out there deeply concerned about the reality and ramifications about the “bottomline” of the issue at hand regardless of political wrangling.

Case in point is Sri Lanka newspaper Daily Mirror online recently publishing several reader comments below its reporting on the aftermath of the letter to Amb. Kshenuka Senewiratne from Philip Alston, Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions seeking clarifications on the alleged killing of the LTTE leaders.

While the comments moderated by the newspaper appear to show an overwhelming negativity towards the ex-General of Sri Lanka Army, there were at least three comments seeking “reason” and “upholding the true values” of the “silent majority” of Sri Lankans – as follows:

* In a country of deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act. If heinous crimes have been committed on humanity it is time we hanged our head in shame and seek apology. We should rethink the character of our leaders whether they consist of the same human principles and observe the teachings of Lord Buddha. Only then will the Sinhala race shine and thrive otherwise it will be damned in the sins that we commit. – Posted By: spark

* Let us stop the ‘betrayal’, ‘Traitor’ Nonsense. As a true Buddhist, I am bit concerned and started to worry, if what this guy say is true. As I was thinking the Pro LTTE diaspora is making this claims and that was denied by our ministers. If this is true, then for god sake let the culprits face the music and they can’t rule my country at any cost. – Posted By: Nanayakara

* Thank you very much SF mother Lanka is very proud of You – Posted By: Fayad

While there are plenty of raucous against the Common candidate Sarath Fonseka in the print and national media, also being largely ignored is the fact this matter has been around since May 2009 when well-known British journalist Marie Colvin who herself played a role in trying to arrange for the safe surrender of LTTE leaders wrote an article in the Timed of UK then outlining some of the events.

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2004 tsunami tragedy in Sri Lanka: Notebook of a Photojournalist

by K.T. Kumaran

The aftermath of the Dec 26th 2004 tsunami and the continuing devastating impact on all affected communities in Sri Lanka’s North, South and Eastern provinces have been brought via pictorial journals on HumanityAshore.org since January 2005. No other journal has covered all areas of Sri Lanka in this extensive manner.

HumanityAshore featured places such as Pathirajagama in the South, Satkottai in the North, and Alles Garden in the East among several others in the photo essays by Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai.

Today’s pictorial, “Nobody’s people” caught in the “buffer zone” discusses the plight of people in Sainthamaruthu, in the Eastern Province on the fifth anniversary of the tsunami.

But a run down the memory lane today help remember the tragic aftermath, tasks that were ahead then and the humanitarian challenges that still remain.

In the following article Journalist Dushiyanthini Kanagasbapathipillai writes about her experiences of beginning to cover the tsunami by recalling the immediate aftermath:

“I feel guilty, that I could not save Arabi. I lost control and let her die. I am responsible for her death. I cannot forget her, because I loved her so much” says 13 years old Niranjala Balakrishnan and she burst into tears in Mullaitivu, North East of Sri Lanka , under the control of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

TC26NB.jpg

Niranjana Balakrishnan wanted to be a Tamil teacher

“Tender Sprout” was located in the coastal area of Mullaitivu, North East of Sri Lanka. This home for the war orphans had 175 children when Tsunami hit, now only 30 children are alive. And they are relocated to a different place inland now. Most of the children here are affected by the Tsunami. Either they have lost their beloved brothers and sisters or struggled to survive. They can’t eat, sleep or play. The cherished memories of the loved ones keep bothering these children. They are unable to forget the past. The lost loved ones stayed, ate, slept and played together. They get up in the night and shout.

Mullaitivu was one of the worst affected areas by Tsunami.

“I was putting cover for the new exercise books ,and getting ready for the new school term, which was supposed to begin in early January 2005. I heard a noise and everybody started to run. I also ran and climbed on a tree. I saw my little sister under that tree. And later she was washed away. I witnessed it. But I never saw her body. I was told that, she died on the way to the hospital” says 9 years old Susi Sinnathurai, who burst into tears.

There are more children, who do not know what has happened to their loved ones. These little children are already affected by the two decades of ethnic conflict.

I was in London in December2004 undergoing training, when Tsunami roared Sri Lanka.

I had a very late night on 25th of December 2004, at my uncle’s house in London, as we had a Christmas party. I could not fall asleep at all, as I was thinking of traveling to Manchester to see my uncle and aunt who have come from Toronto to see their daughter.

I got up at 4am and had a shower. I packed my bag, and got ready to catch the coach to Manchester, where my cousin lives., whom I have not seen for many years. I was planning to be with her, and my uncle who came to Manchester from Toronto. I made a cup of coffee.

And switched on the television, and watched BBC World. Then I found out that Tsunami has hit Sri Lanka.

I immediately called my parents in Colombo to see whether they were keeping well But the telephone lines to Sri Lanka were not east to get through. I informed my uncle and aunt that I have to return to Sri Lanka as soon as possible. Then I have decided to cancel my trip to Manchester, and return to Sri Lanka.

I called my cousin and uncle to say that, “I am not coming to Manchester as I have planned”. They were not happy to hear that from me, but there was no other choice. Then I called my good friend and former colleague Frances Harrison and explained what has happened in Sri Lanka. She wasn’t happy either. And later my mobile was jammed. I was unable to get through to anybody from my mobile or others couldn’t get through to me on my mobile.

But I managed to send text messages to my colleagues. And I have already started to make arrangements to my colleagues, who were rushing to Sri Lanka for news coverage. Further I informed everybody that I am returning to Sri Lanka. My uncle and his children came to the Heathrow airport to bid goodbye.

But my aunt couldn’t come to the airport, as she was not feeling well.

I can still remember very well, that she advised me “Dushi I know that, you have taken risks in the past. But make sure that you take care of yourself, while being on the field and keep us informed how you are keeping”. I boarded the Emirates flight.

The President of Sri Lanka Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, flew on the same flight. I called home, and my sources from wherever and whenever possible to update myself.

And watched the television in the flight. When I left London the death toll has already gone up to thousand. And it kept on increasing. I arrived at the Katunayake International airport on 27th of December 2004 morning.

I went to the office straight to pick up some equipments. I pulled out some hot weather friendly clothes from my bag, as I had all winter clothes to wear in London. And went to the Ratmalana Domestic airport to catch a military flight. The scheduled flight was cancelled due to the bad weather.

Managed to speak to the Sri Lankan Air force officers and got the permission to fly to Koggala Air Force Base in the South of Sri Lanka. I flew with the military officers, who were dropped off at Peraliya, where the train accident took place. I saw the devastation from the aerial view first, while flying to Koggala.

And I started to click, by using my little Canon, which produced enormous amount of unimaginable images from North, East and South of Sri Lanka later.

Landed at the Koggala Air Force Base at 6.30pm. But there was no transport to go to Galle, South of Sri Lanka., because the roads were devastated. I saw foreigners who were on holidays in the South, were queuing up at the Koggala Air Force Base to fly to Colombo as soon as possible.

Spoke to Air Force officers, and they provided a jeep to get myself dropped at Galle Light House Hotel, where my other colleagues were staying.

I traveled in the jeep, which had food parcels for the affected people. But they have already started to spoil, as time flew by. The road was deserted. It took three hours to get to Galle. I went to the Light House Hotel in Galle at 12 midnight. I had to start work immediately.

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Watching the damaged properties

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Media was kept busy

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Identifying the loved ones

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Galle Town after Tsunami

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“Queen of the Sea”,which was hit by the Tsunami.”Queen of the Sea” was bound from Colombo to Matara on 26th of December 2004. It was roared by the Tsunami in Peraliya. Approximately 1,500 people were killed. The villagers of Peraliya boarded the train to seek refuge, and most of them were killed as well.

I went to the Karapitiya Base Hospital in the morning. I witnessed dead bodies coming endlessly to the hospital. The hospital morgue and corridors were full of dead bodies. Most of the bodies were beyond identification. Wailing relatives rushing to the hospital to identify their loved ones by their belongings such as rings, clothes, identity cards, and wrist watch. I witnessed the mass burial in the South and in the North later.

The dead bodies were wrapped in polythene sheets. The military was transporting the dead bodies from the sea shore to the hospital and burial place in the South. But in the North the cadres of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam cleared the area quicker than expected, disinfected the places, and transported the survivors to a safer place. I saw nobody in Mullaitivu town, except the cadres who were carrying out their duties and dogs, which were searching for their owners.

And especially in the nights it was very disheartening to see a place, which was bustling after the Ceasefire Agreement signed between the then Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in 2002.

Then I went to the eastern province of Sri Lanka, where the most number of people killed by the Tsunami.

Witnessed the suffering by all three communities- Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese. There was no proper place to stay in the east, unlike other places in the country. The roads were cut off by water. I managed to find a guest house to stay in Kalmunai, East of Sri Lanka. But there was no water to drink or bathe. I used mineral water to bathe. The owner of that guest house knows my dad very well, as he comes from the same place as my dad’s. Therefore he was extra hospitable to us.

As the shops were shut, he served us French fries, sausages and coca cola. But I didn’t have any appetite for food, because what I have witnessed so far started to bother me so much. Especially I witnessed in Kalmunai that the dogs have started to eat the dead human bodies which were unattended, which was staggering to see. I immediately informed the relevant authorities, but no action was taken. As a Hindu I even respect a dead body.

So I have decided to do the mass burial for five females, three males and three children –one male and two females . My parents, brothers and relatives live in Sri Lanka and abroad kept calling me to keep themselves updated. I requested all of them to send anything possible from edible to money to Sri Lanka as soon as possible to help the survivors.

They acted very promptly and quickly. Some of have decided to sponsor Tsunami orphan through out the life time, widowers and men who lost their livelihoods. And some of them lobbied in their countries and got long term monetary assistance for the tsunami affected victims in North, east and South of Sri Lanka, for which I salute all the kind hearted human beings who extended their fullest co-operation to me, without any hesitation.

Further, from the day one I have fully dedicated myself to the people of all communities. As I travel widely to the Tsunami hit areas very often people recognize me by my name, especially in the North, where I call my home always. Most of them call me in Tamil “Amma”-Mother, “Magal”-Daughter, “Thangachchi”- Younger Sister, “Akka”- Elder Sister, “Monai”-Dear , and share their heart breaking sad stories without any boundaries.

I still treasure those unforgettable and unhappy memories. And I gathered new experiences in my a decade long career, by covering the worst ever natural disaster-Tsunami , and the largest ever relief operation in the world. I had the opportunity of working with several world renowned Journalists.

On 26th of December 2004- boxing day, Tsunami shook the world for seven hours. Approximately 200,000 lives killed, so many million people made homeless and many of them still live in the temporary shelters. In Sri Lanka about 38,000 people killed, and most of the survivors still live in pain while thinking of their lost loved ones’ memories.

And most of their voices are still to be heard, by touching the peoples’ lives with passion. There were two waves, the first was- a wave of killer, and the second was a wave of compassion.

Nine months flown by since Tsunami, but the nightmares are never far behind them!

In my journalistic career, I have tried my best to live up to Walter Lipman’s dictum “Facts are sacred; Opinion is free!”

The above article was written based on the experience of covering Boxing Day Tsunami, which hit the Indian Ocean on December 26th 2004. The article was first published in December 2005.

Realted: In Pictures on BBC – By Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai – Jan 23, 2005

More in HumanityAshore.org ~ Archives from 2005

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