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Fair comment and objectivity in Journalism:

by K. S. Sivakumaran

Let me talk about something we all Journalists know. But first I wish to reiterate certain principles. May I quote from some experienced journalists abroad.

Since I started working with The Island in the 1980s (I was there for about 10 years, I have had the opportunity of reading every editorial of the paper. The senior editors I worked with were Vijitha Yapa, Gamini Weerakoon, and Ajith Samaranayake. They were excellent editors and their editorials were objective although the stance they took at times might not have been to my liking. On a few occasions, during Vijitha Yapa’s editorship, yours truly, too, wrote a couple of editorials of the paper in the capacity of a senior journalist.

The present editor of The Island, Prabath Sahabandu though relatively young invariably writes fine editorials based on justice, righteousness, objectivity and logical reasoning. This is not my estimate alone, but the opinion of many readers who have expressed their views in print. As a freelancer now I continue to write to The Island, The Daily News, The Daily Mirror and The Nation, apart from writing to Thamil newspapers like the Thinakutal, Thinakaran, and Virakesari.

[A Newsstand in Minuwangoda, Sri Lanka, Picture by Dennis S. Hurd, New Westminster, BC, Canada]

***

In discussing the subject “Editor and the Law”, Bruce Westley in his book ‘News Editing’ presents a checklist of elements in the defence of a fair comment. Here they are for our interested readers:

01. Fair comment applies only where the subject of criticism is a matter of public interest or concern; it deals only with matters that invite public attention and tend to seek public approval.

02. The comment must be an intellectual appraisal or evaluation. Not for instance, the pretext for a personal attack.

03. It must be stated as Opinion

04. It must be the result of an honest opinion.

05. It must have a basis in fact.

06. It must be free from the imputation of corrupt or sordid motives.

07. It must be free of actual malice

What it all says is that “to be fair, it must not be malicious, must be an opinion stated as such, and it must have a basis of fact”

***

Let me now quote from E Frank Candlin. This what he says:

“Everyone including the journalist writing for a newspaper or magazine has the right to make fair comment on matters of public interest even though this comment may involve defamatory statements about individuals or groups provided the opinion is honestly held by the writer. By ‘matters of public interest’, it is meant all those activities which are carried on in public and which concern their interests or invite their attention…”

The same author also says that “infringement of copyright does not apply to any fair dealing with the work by way of review, criticism or newspaper summary”

***

Let me quote from another source – Harold Evans, a former editor of London Sunday Times:

“It is my basic submission that newspapers have effects at two reciprocal levels on ethnic tension. By the information they select and display and the opinions they present, they have effects at ground level on the creation of stereotypes and the stimulation to behaviour.

“Because of the volatility of the subject, they also have swift effect at government level on the creation of policy. The Press must first recognise that what it prints or broadcasts about ethnic groups can directly affect ethnic tension.

“Any organisation not in league with the devil, which makes this first positive recognition, must recognise the government which follows. It must have a positive policy to avoids unnecessary damage”

The Thamil Press

On the subject we are talking about, I thought it would be fitting to quote from a former editor of a Lankan Thamil newspaper–the Virakesari. The editor’s name is A Sivanesaselvan. I happened to be an associate editor of that paper in the 1990s for a short time. Due to my dissatisfaction with the editorial setup at that time, I discreetly resigned from the paper and was asked to take up the position of the pioneer editor in chief of a weekly paper called Navamani. I am no more there and the paper continues to be published.

I quote A Sivanesaselvan’s article purely to give information on the Thamil press in Lanka. Here are some gleanings:

“The first newspaper that was published in Sri Lanka in any language was the Morning Star (Udaya Tharakai) – a bilingual fortnightly” published in Yaalpaanam. The American Missionaries in Manipai founded the first printing press in 1834.

Simon Casie Chetty started Uthaya Aathithan in Colombo in 1841. Thirteen issues were published. The Catholic Church in 1864 published Ceylon Watchman and the Ceylon Patriot. The first Hindu paper was Ilankai Neasan published by H M Sinnathamby in 1877. There was another Hindu paper Rising Star in 1880. The first Muslim paper was supposed to be Puthinalangari published by Wapiccchi Marikar and Naina Marikar. Muslim Nation published from Mahanuwara or Senkadagala in 1882 was edited by Siddhi Lebbe. Some say that he was the first novelist in Thamil.

A S says “that there were several other publications in the last quarter of the 19tgh century and early 20th century”

The first editor of the Virakesari started in 1930 was Subramaniam Chettiar from Thamilnadu. N Ponniah Pillai started a paper called Eelakesari in Yalpanam. The Thinakaran began publication in 1931. In 1960 another regional paper called Eelanadu started publication in Yalpanam. Murasoli, Udhayan, Eelamurasu and Eelanatham were other regional publications from Yaalpaanam. Except for Udhayan, other papers have ceased publication.

A S has conveniently ignored publications in the East! I must thank A S however, for providing us with information on early Thamil press.

At present we have four influential dailies published from Colombo. They are: Virakesari, Thinakutal, Thinakaran, Sudar Oli and Metro. These papers have their Sunday editions too. In Yalpanam there is Udhayan and Thinakutal – a Yaalpaanam oriented edition with a different staff. In Maddakkappu too there seems to be a few regional papers; but I haven’t seen them or read them.

My only regret is that the Colombo press in Sinhala and English pay little attention to the suffering of the people in the north and east and focus only on the battlefront. There is free comment but not much of facts as far as the Thamil-speaking people of the country are concerned.

The Sinhala and English press in this country can truly be productive in bringing ethnic harmony if only they could move a little away from the mono -ethnic stance.

Contact: sivakumaranks@yahoo.com

Ambassador Blake’s Remarks to the American Chamber of Commerce Lunch – October 9, 2007 Cinnamon Grand, Colombo:

The U.S. and Sri Lanka: Assessing Progress:

Fellow Chamber Members, Ladies and Gentleman,

It is a pleasure to be here to address you again today, approximately one year since my last luncheon with you. I always appreciate an invitation from the Chamber to speak with you.

To the members of the press, let me assure you that the Embassy will release the full text of my remarks right after this lunch. One thing I have learned during the last year is that even my remarks at private meetings seem to end up in the press so getting my side of what I actually said is very important!

[Ambassador Robert Blake - File Pic]

First let me thank and commend the Board, Executive Director Gordon Glick and the staff of the American Chamber of Commerce for your continued outstanding work to promote greater trade and investment between the U.S. and Sri Lanka. I am very proud that AmCham is one of the most, if not the most, dynamic and effective of the bilateral Chambers in Sri Lanka. A special word of thanks and praise to the Chairman of the AmCham Board John Varley who will be stepping down shortly. John has been a constant source of new ideas, encouragement and friendship to all of us and, John, we will sorely miss you.

I was asked to assess today the progress in relations between the United States and Sri Lanka. The last year has marked a period of challenge and change. I, for one, have a much greater understanding not only of this beautiful country, but also the movers and shakers behind it, many of whom are in the room today.

I am often asked what U.S. interests in Sri Lanka are. In other words – why do we care about Sri Lanka and its people, and what are our hopes for the future of the country? Simply put, the friendly relations between our two countries go back almost 60 years. We want to build on those to help Sri Lanka end its long conflict, strengthen its democracy, and promote economic prosperity and free markets so this beautiful country can realize the bright hopes that we all have for it.

Naturally, our focus at present is to encourage a negotiated settlement to the conflict that has bedeviled Sri Lanka for 25 years. That is because progress to end the conflict will have a positive multiplier effect on so many of our other goals. Unfortunately, the hope and promise of the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement is, like the agreement itself, all but defunct. As ceasefire violations by both sides have increased in frequency and seriousness and as the security situation has deteriorated, governance and human rights have declined, as have economic growth and opportunity. The country has seen several high-profile assassinations, hundreds of thousands of newly displaced persons, a sharp rise in abductions and disappearances, brazen paramilitary activity including child recruitment, and threats and intimidation of civil society and the media.

I’d like to speak in a little more detail about the conflict; human rights; the situation in the East; trade and the economy; and finally, corruption since all of these are central to all of your operations and the future success of your businesses.

The Conflict

The United States has been a strong and unwavering supporter of Sri Lanka’s fight to defend itself against terrorist attacks from the LTTE. That support takes many forms from military, to law enforcement cooperation, to efforts to help Sri Lanka stop financial flows to the LTTE, to our contributions to enhancing the security of the Colombo Port through the Container Security Initiative of the US Department of Homeland Security and the Megaports Initiative of the Department of Energy.

The Sri Lankan military has achieved important victories in the past year, including the defeat of the LTTE in the east, and the sinking of many LTTE tankers used to deliver military and other supplies to the Tamil Tigers. Such victories and U.S. support for Sri Lanka should demonstrate to the LTTE that they cannot hope to win this conflict.

However, the government’s victories also have come at a very high cost in human lives and suffering. Thousands have died in the last year alone, adding to the toll of around 70,000 in the quarter-century history of the conflict. Hundreds of thousands more have become homeless and endured severe privation. To help relieve the suffering the U.S. has donated food worth $14 million so far this year, with another shipment valued at an additional US$9 million set to arrive later in the year.

But both sides must realize there can be no military solution to Sri Lanka’s conflict. The U.S. welcomes Foreign Minister Bogollogama’s public statement during his visit to Washington last week that President Rajapaksa’s government agrees the conflict cannot be solved through military means. Without equal and parallel progress on the political track, there cannot be an end to the violence. The continued absence of a viable proposal for sharing of power with the country’s minorities is as disappointing to us as it is to most Sri Lankans.

The U.S. has followed closely and with admiration the intensive efforts of Professor Tissa Vitharana, his colleagues in the All-Party Representative Committee, and others of goodwill to break the decades-old logjam on devolution. We hope that these efforts soon reach a successful conclusion and form the basis for a southern consensus. But they must also satisfy the aspirations of the Muslim and the Tamil communities. They also are Sri Lankans, who have an equal right to live peacefully in this country, and to participate meaningfully and constructively in exercising responsibility for their own lives and futures within a united Sri Lanka.

Human Rights

Turning to the sensitive area of human rights, the United States recognizes that there has been a welcome decline in forced disappearances in Colombo and the Western Province. But violations in other parts of Sri Lanka remain as serious as ever. We are particularly concerned about the situation in Jaffna, where the most fundamental rights of people to be secure in their persons and homes are being violated almost daily. The number of extrajudicial killings in Jaffna has risen even higher in recent months. This is disappointing given the firm control the Sri Lankan military has over the Jaffna peninsula.

In his speech of October 4 at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, Foreign Minister Bogollogama outlined a series of indictments and arrests of members of the Sri Lankan Police and Armed Services on charges of abduction, murder, illegal detention, torture and other crimes. The U.S. has an active dialogue with the Government of Sri Lanka about our concern over the lack of accountability for human rights abuses. Trials, convictions and jail terms for those found guilty would help demonstrate the Government’s intention to address the climate of impunity that is of concern to human rights defenders.

Another right we track closely is freedom of expression. We believe that the role of the media in all free societies is to act as one of the most important checks on government power. They need to be able to write and broadcast without fear of harassment or reprisal. The killing of journalists, especially Tamil journalists, and other threats to freedom of expression are a blemish on a country with Sri Lanka’s proud democratic traditions, and must be stopped.

Situation in the East

With the defeat of the LTTE in the East, the government now has a major opportunity to lay the groundwork for a democratic, participatory, multi-ethnic governance structure in the East. The U.S. and other members of the international community are looking for ways to support financially such an outcome.

In our dialogue with the government on the east, we have emphasized several principles that will help lay the groundwork for our support of a successful stabilization and reconstruction program.

First and foremost, the Government must establish security and bring paramilitaries under control. The government is committed to this goal but more progress is needed.

Second, all stakeholders but particularly the Government must be vigilant to ensure that the stabilization and reconstruction programs do not alter the ethnic and demographic balance that underpins stability now.

Third, the government needs to develop civilian institutions to allow all communities to have a say in decisions on major issues, such as the distribution of local resources for development, the allocation of land, and the structure and composition of local civilian police authorities. Mr. Basil Rajapaksa has made a promising start in consulting stakeholders that we hope will be sustained and broadened.

A successful and participatory stabilization and reconstruction effort in the east could serve as a template and confidence builder for a future solution in the north. Devolved power will not mean the end of the Sri Lankan State nor will it lead to separation of the Tamil-speaking areas from Sri Lanka. Rather, the success of the principle of autonomous action in carefully circumscribed and appropriate fields of endeavor by empowered local and regional governments will reinforce the sense of belonging among Sri Lanka’s minority communities. It is essential to demonstrate to these communities that the majority wishes to live with them in peace and mutual respect.

Giving the minorities a stake in their own affairs is critical to win their support, and bring about a new perspective that their lives are better under Government rather than terrorist control. It will show them that they have a much brighter future within a united Sri Lanka than they ever could under an LTTE dictatorship. Giving Tamils and Muslims this hope will undermine Prabhakaran and the LTTE in a way nothing else could. Withholding this hope would condemn the country to more decades of ethnic strife and suffering.

Trade and the Economy

Turning to trade and investment, the United States would like to see increased trade and investment between the United States and Sri Lanka. While bilateral trade in most sectors has remained stable, there are still too few U.S. exports of our unequaled machinery and technology. Sri Lanka is growing at 6% a year, but were it not for the conflict that growth rate could easily be 8% or more. If that were the case, I am confident that we would be able to improve the persistent ten-to-one trade surplus that Sri Lanka runs with the United States. Similarly, there has not been a significant amount of new U.S. investment in Sri Lanka during the past year. We believe that there are significant opportunities here for U.S. companies. The possible growth in the energy sector, new infrastructure projects that will speed development country-wide, as well as the ever-growing IT-sector, are just a few examples.

We want to do all that is possible to encourage new investment while working with our partners in government to ensure that current investors and stakeholders in Sri Lanka are treated fairly and receiving a good return on your investments. I made an enormous effort last year to encourage U.S. businesses to come, personally writing to more than 200 companies. I also traveled to Houston with Petroleum Minister Fowzie to urge American and other investors to look at oil and gas exploration opportunities in the Mannar Basin. I’ll continue to reach out to U.S. companies, and to encourage especially those who are already operating in South Asia to consider Sri Lanka as an investment destination.

In conducting this outreach, I and my highly capable economic team at the Embassy got valuable feedback on the concerns many US investors have about investing here. Let me share those with you. First and foremost, American companies embody the “capital is a coward” dictum: they tend to shun countries with conflict unless there are extraordinary profits to encourage them.

But the conflict is not the only impediment to new investment. Another important one is contract enforcement. The World Bank recently ranked Sri Lanka 133rd out of 178 countries in the enforcement of contracts. I personally have spent a great deal of time and effort attempting to help U.S. companies here resolve contract enforcement problems. The same World Bank report delivered the good news that Sri Lanka has eased business start-up regulations with the new Companies Act. I know that Minister Amunagama and the Board of Investment are eager to work with companies who are interested in investing in Sri Lanka, and I urge them to make the same kind of progress in contract enforcement as they have in business start-up rules. The Minister has pledged to do so.

Another area that could help boost foreign investment is to enhance English-language and IT training. The US Agency for International Development is doing a lot in both of these fields. But much more is needed. I have strongly encouraged the government and many of you in this room to explore private-public partnerships to increase English and IT education. These will yield benefits in terms of jobs, growth and income not only for the business community but for the country as a whole for generations.

Corruption

Let me mention one other major hindrance to trade and investment: corruption. Corruption damages economic development and reform, impedes the ability of developing countries to attract foreign investment, hinders the growth of democratic institutions, and concentrates power in the hands of a few. A recent Sri Lankan study indicated that Sri Lanka’s GDP would have grown by at least two percentage points in 2006 had government corruption been prevented. The best way to combat corruption is for a government, any government, to be open and transparent.

For the past 18 months, the U.S. and Sri Lanka have been working together to develop strategies to fight corruption. The Sri Lanka Anti-Corruption program was created by the U.S. Agency for International Development after the tsunami, and was designed to help minimize corruption in the distribution of post-tsunami assistance. The program held more than 50 workshops throughout the country to discuss the problem and issues of corruption. The program launched TV and radio spots, published a book for children and conducted the first-ever comprehensive island-wide survey of 3000 persons on perceptions and experiences of corruption at the grassroots level.

It also introduced new methods and techniques of investigative auditing at the Auditor General’s Departments, and assisted the development of a new organization called “Clean Hands,” an association of public sector employees. The Anti-Corruption Program provided technical support to Sri Lankan partners, including Transparency International and the Organization of Professional Associations to produce a National Anti-Corruption Action Plan which aims to mobilize civil society to combat corrupt practices and to promote principles of integrity.

The impact of this program has been impressive. Not only has the capacity of key government institutions including the Auditor General’s Department and the Bribery Commission been strengthened, public awareness of the issue is much greater; citizen participation in monitoring and reporting corruption has increased; and the public has become more engaged in the campaign to combat corruption and promote integrity.

Sri Lanka has taken several other important steps in the fight against corruption. It has enacted a bribery and corruption law and established a Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption. It has enacted an Assets and Liabilities Declaration Law, put in place a law to control money laundering, and signed the U.N. Convention Against Corruption. These are good initiatives. The National Anti-Corruption Action Plan contains many others, one of which is to enact and implement the Freedom of Information Act, which has been approved by the Law Commission but not yet enacted by Parliament.

This Freedom of Information Act will increase public accountability and enable Sri Lankan citizens to know what decisions government makes and why, and thereby to hold the government accountable for working in the public interest. This together with the other elements in the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan, can have a strong impact on how both the government and private sector do business. A country that fights corruption sends a clear signal to public servants that corruption will not be tolerated, and that it is concerned with protecting the welfare and interest of its people, while also promoting itself positively in the international arena.

Conclusion

In conclusion, I’d like to say that as I assess the progress that the U.S. and Sri Lanka have made in our bilateral relationship, I can note numerous positive steps. However, serious concerns remain. Although Sri Lanka has adapted extremely well to the challenging circumstances you face, you have the capacity to achieve more, much more.

As I travel around this country and meet Sri Lankan and foreign entrepreneurs who are performing world class work in many fields, I remain optimistic about the huge potential for this beautiful country. Few other countries can boast your educational achievements, your high health standards outside the conflict areas, your natural bounty, your entrepreneurial skills, and the advantage you enjoy of free trade agreements with large and fast growing neighbors.

With leadership, and a focus on the national interest above all else, Sri Lanka, like the ancient Egyptian phoenix, has the capacity to rise from the ashes of conflict and create a new era of opportunity and unprecedented prosperity for all Sri Lankans. The United States will continue to be your steadfast friend and partner in this endeavor.

Thank you.

[Source: Embassy News, Colombo, Sri Lanka]

by M S Abbas
[Puttalam]

Introducing translation to the curriculum of TCs:

The idea of writing this letter struck me when I happened to listen to a popular radio programme while traveling to my office on the bright morning of September 11. Throughout the programme, time and again, the announcer reminded the listeners about the prophecy of Dr. Colvin R.de Silva, the respected political veteran of this country – “One language two nations – two languages one nation”.

I am the father of an unfortunate young girl who is preparing for the forthcoming entrance examination of the prestigious Sri Lanka Law College in the Tamil medium. The reason why she has chosen to take her exam in the Tamil medium is that she is, once again, very unfortunate to be a student of the Fathima Muslim Girls’ School of Puttalam, one of the long neglected electorates in this country.

My daughter started her preparatory class for the entrance exam in January and from the very beginning of her preparation she wanted me, many times, to go the Government Publication Department and buy for her the Tamil Versions of significant publications such as “The Constitution”, “The 17th Amendment”, and “The Judicature Act”. Every time I called at the office of the Government Publication where a very good friend of mine, a very helpful and kindhearted person is the officer in-charge, I was told “Sorry, the Tamil version is out of print”. Every time I returned empty-handed and told my eagerly waiting daughter the disappointing news, I felt agony. I was contemplating whom I should address this to, when I heard the Minister concerned, expressing his views through the above mentioned radio programme.

Yes of course, the Minister is correct. The country suffers due to the lack of qualified translators. This situation affects not only our public administrative system, but also badly affects the judiciary. The service that can be offered by qualified translators is as important as other important services that are available in this country; yet, very little, or no attention has been paid to this important service.

For how long are we going to reiterate the same old story – “There are no sufficiently qualified translators.” It is a well known fact that language skills – not to speak about English, but I am speaking about the Tamil Language – of the contemporary students are drastically going down. This is not only in our country but in the United States too, so that President Bush has introduced the “NSLO” – No Student Left Out” programme to enhance language skills.

Why can’t we think about introducing translation courses in our technical colleges in order to fulfil the need of the country’s Public Administration and the Judiciary?

“Jaffna has been under Sri Lanka government and military rule for nearly 12 years now. If it cannot allow independent reporting from Jaffna even after 12 years of its rule, that shows there is real problem that needs to be addressed,”, says Sri Lanka Media Rights Group The Free Media Movement in a Press Statement issued today.

FMM also points out to the earlier assertion by International Freedom of Expression Mission on Sri Lanka that Jaffna is one of the most dangerous places in the world today for media and journalism.

Full Text of FMM Press Release as follows:

Free Media Movement is appalled by the gross violation of journalists’ rights by military hierarchy in expelling three journalists from Jaffna who had even obtained MOD (Ministry of Defence) clearance to make a documentary.

Quick Silver Media, which is currently traveling in Sri Lanka to produce a documentary for Channel 4 television in UK was denied to carry out its duties independently in Jaffna by the military. A team of three female journalists (two foreigners and a local) arrived in Jaffna on October 4th 2007 by a commercial flight. They were planning to stay in Jaffna till October 7th 2007.

They had obtained the MOD approval to video areas and interview people in Jaffna, between October 4 – 7, and visit locations in Mannar, Vavuniya and the east.

The three female journalists have booked accommodation at a privately owned guest house in Jaffna town during their stay till October 7 th 2007. But they were asked to stay at an army base in Palaly. They refused to do so as it was against their will. Later they were accompanied to the privately owned guest house by the military, although the visiting journalists kept objecting for the military escort. After half an hour the military officers went to the guest house and asked the journalists to leave the house to go to Palaly to stay over night for the safety of the journalists. The reason was sited as for their safety they have to stay in Palaly and not in Jaffna town. They journalists spent the night in an army base in Palaly.

On October 5th 2007 the visiting journalists were taken on a two hour facility tour to the Jaffna town. And at the end of the facility tour the journalists were asked to leave Jaffna by a commercial flight to Colombo on October 5th 2007. The journalists could not carry out their duty as planned in Jaffna.

The names of the journalists were Sandra Jordan-Reporter, Siobhan Sinnerton-Camerawoman, Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai-Producer.

This is a blatant violation of people’s right to information. Jaffna citizens has right to voice their concerns independent of any military or armed outfit. The government duty is to protect those rights not to protect the violators of these rights.

Jaffna has been under Sri Lanka government and military rule for nearly 12 years now. If it cannot allow independent reporting from Jaffna even after 12 years of its rule, that shows there is real problem that needs to be addressed.

FMM would like to emphasis that this incident symbolises the issues facing journalists in Jaffna. It again proves the assertion by International Freedom of Expression Mission on Sri Lanka that Jaffna is one of the most dangerous places in the world today for media and journalism. For last two years government has virtually barred information coming form Jaffna.

The Defence Ministry in Colombo has said that anyone in Sri Lanka who criticizes its security forces is a traitor to the nation; his comments came after, Sri Lanka governing party’s main opposition leader saying, “As the price of a loaf of bread increases, the media and the government destroy three LTTE boats daily.”

The main opposition in Sri Lanka accused the government of exaggerating military victories to hoodwink the public on ever increasing Cost of Living (CoL). Opposition and United National Party (UNP) leader Ranil Wickramasinghe also said the media also seemed to be moving with the government in this campaign.

[Ranil Wickramasinghe, UNP leader]

The National Security Media Centre’s Director General Lakshman Hulugalle told the media: “We consider anyone who criticizes the defence forces to be a traitor to the nation as such people undermine the lives of armed forces personnel.” He urged the media to refrain from publishing any reports that would undermine the efforts of the armed forces.

He said that after the sinking of three LTTE arms ships by the Navy a few weeks ago, some sections claimed that it was done to distract attention from the cost of living. “That is not true, these brave men destroyed the ships for the sake of the country and not to help any political party or individual. Please don’t mix these up with politics,” he said.

However, he was quick to note that the Navy was able to destroy the LTTE ships due to the leadership given by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Navy Chief Wasantha Karannagoda.

Navy Spokesman D.K.P. Dassanayake also urged the media not to undermine the Navy personnel, who risked their lives to successfully detect and destroy the LTTE arms shipments.

Excerpts from article by By: Dr.Rajasingham Narendran, in transCurrents.com:

“Ramayana is an epic that pre-dates the Mahabharatha. The Ramayana, though originally composed by Valmiki Rishi in Sanskrit, has been reproduced in many languages through the centuries. The Tamil version composed by Kamban, reflects the best in Tamil poetry, values and culture, although following the line of the story in Valmiki’s original. The Ramayana has also influenced the cultures as far flung as Thailand, Indonesia, Timor, Philippines and Cambodia. Lanka plays an important role in the Ramayana, as the plot unfolds in its manifold facets representing all aspects of human life, behaviour, thought and values, set against the background of what are eternal truths, un-impeachable ethics and divine values. The lessons to be gleaned from the Ramayana, will remain valid and valuable to humankind, as long as we aspire towards higher humanistic goals and cease our head long descent into soulless consumerism and the accompanying barbarism. It is an epic made for eternity. It is a story holding a meaning to males and females of all ages, pursuits and stations in life. It is a priceless jewel in humankind’s crown!”

“P.K.Balachandran in an article titled ‘ Ravana is hero for Sinhala nationalists’ (Hindustan Times of 4th Nov.2007) states, ” The Ramayana is not part of mainstream Sinhala religious tradition in Sri Lanka, because Buddhism has been the religion of the majority of Sinhalas for long. But ancient Sinhala works like Rajavaliya and Ravanavaliya identify Ravana as a Sinhala king and extol him as a great one. In modern Sri Lanka, there has been a movement to revive Ravana as a cult figure, who represents Sinhala or Sri Lankan nationalism because he was among the first in the island’s history to have resisted an alien/ Indian invader. Ravana’s ten heads represent the ten crowns he wore as a symbol of his being the sovereign of ten countries “. Balachandran also states that the book ‘Sakvithi Ravana’ published in 1988 by Ahubuddu claims that Ravana reigned over Sri Lanka from 2554 to 2517 BC. While Ravana’s ancestors ruled over what is now the Pollonaruwa district, Ravana himself is claimed to have ruled over the whole of Sri Lanka.”

[King Ravana, at Thirukoneswaram Temple, Trincomalee - Pic:HA]

“To question the collective memory of a people as recorded in the Ramayana is foolishness indeed. The DMK under Muthuvel Karunanithi has barged into an area, where even angels will fear to tread, by questioning whether Rama had a degree in engineering to design and build this bridge. Did the builders of the Madurai Meenachiamman temple and the Tanjai Sivan temple-standing monuments to the building skills of our ancestors- have higher degrees in civil engineering? Karunanithi has also gone on to call Rama a drunkard. Karunanithi was insulting the very foundations of his people’s faith with an insensitivity born in arrogance, if not ignorence. It is this very same Dravidian movement that at one time disparagingly questioned where Saraswathy- the Hindu Goddess of learning- called ‘Naa Mahal’ ( resident Goddess of the tongue or human sound) would be performing her excretory functions!”

Cick here to read the full article: Sinhalization of Ravana and Un-deification of Rama