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[ Full Text of Press Release, National Peace Council of Sri Lanka ]

During his visit to New York to take part in the UN General Assembly meeting earlier this month, President Mahinda Rajapaksa stated that government was willing to resume peace talks with the LTTE providing they commit themselves to cease using violence. The President also said he was prepared to be flexible on political positions and would continue to seek the facilitation of Norway and the international community in the conflict resolution process. Now LTTE leader Velupillai Pirapaharan has given his commitment to negotiations with the government in a message through the Norwegian facilitators. Taken together with the UNP-government negotiations on a politically bipartisan working together on the ethnic conflict and other national issues, these could constitute propitious signs for the future.

However, the reality on the ground continues to be disturbingly different. For the past two months there has been a condition of armed hostilities between the government and LTTE in different parts of the north east. Indeed the ground situation is so abysmal it has prompted the head of the international ceasefire monitoring mission in Sri Lanka, Major General Lars Johan Solvberg to describe the nature of the present violence as being shocking. The fear of people in the north east is such that threatening leaflets distributed in Muttur, purporting to be from the LTTE, have caused many amongst the largely Muslim population to flee. Now it is reported that those same people have been compelled to return to Muttur by the security forces and are also being denied relief rations unless they return to Muttur. These are actions that are in violation of all norms of international humanitarian conduct.

It is tragic that large masses of innocent people should become victims of ruthless military and political strategies. The National Peace Council calls on the government and LTTE to implement international human rights and humanitarian standards on the ground for their respective statements to become more meaningful. There should be credible mechanisms established with an international presence to ensure that abuses such as political killings, abductions, restriction of essential supplies, child recruitment, and so on, do not continue with impunity. In addition to positive statements that obtain international recognition, there also needs to be genuine commitment to negotiate so that the non-implementation of promises made at the Geneva talks of February 2006 and the withdrawal from talks even before they began in Oslo in June 2006, do not repeat themselves.

Executive Director
On behalf of the Governing Council

by A. Kandappah

In any animated discussion either among a small group of activist individuals or a wider formal Group — whenever the question of what constituted the lethal injury to the unity between the two major communities comes up the answer, interestingly, is usually spelled out from the angle of which side of Southern politics the person expressing the opinion comes from. Those with a UNP orientation are quick to point out the “split” came in a substantial form “in 1956 with the arrival of SWRD’s government and the Sinhala Only Policy,” And, if an SLFP-inclined person were to express an opinion, it would invariably be “it was definitely the planned attacks on innocent Tamils in July 1983 on an all-Island scale by UNP hoodlums and sections of the Police and armed forces led by influential powerful Ministers of the day.” Many students of Sri Lankan politics overseas tend to believe the parting of the ways between the Sinhalese and Tamils began in earnest in 1956 as Singapore’s Lee Kwan Yew commented “their problems began when they let the (communal?) genie out of the bottle”. Here, it should be noted, the Singaporean older Statesman is, quite rightly, subtly claiming credit to contain the similar racial divergence of his own society — now a happy and prosperous land of plural harmony. Yet others believed SWRD between 1948-1952 — being a part of the pukka sahib establishment is unlikely to resort to the sacrosanct factor of raising the communal bogey purely to come to power. The rest is now history. But in fairness to SWRD — and, assuming you belong to that line of thinking that SWRD did, in fact, substantially contribute to the rupture of the delicate texture of our then communal tapestry — let me say there is much to suggest SWRD did not irresponsibly breach entirely the bonds of communal unity that existed at that time. The sum total of events of the time were well ahead of him by then. In an attempt to right the wrong done to the Tamils, it was seen whilst presenting his Official Language Policy Act in 1956 he assured he would, in time, present a Regional Council arrangement — arguably, to dilute matters. He did exactly that — but this was to be thwarted thereafter due to pressure from religious extremists who were then asserting their now found political power — somewhat unwisely as later events were to prove, as they snowballed over the years to a point of no return — so far.

The post WW II period generated tremendous energy and expectation amongst the children of the elite holding positions of power in the colonial lands. These sons of the ruling rich and powerful were despatched to the higher learning institutions of Europe — particularly in England and France — to equip themselves sufficiently in the “political power takeover” exercise of their countries — virtually considered their “right.” The aura of bringing down powerful monarchical regimes was strong then in Western Europe fuelled by the growing republican shift of governance — aided further by fashionable liberal thoughts flowing from the teachings of the giants of the Ages of Reason and that of Enlightenment from the 1716 Century onwards that resulted in the French Revolution — a catalyst to the Russian Revolution to follow later. The winds of change were blowing towards Asia and particularly towards the vast Indian Sub-Continent — the “Jewel in the Crown” of Great Britain, the mightiest power of the day. Universal Liberalism was preaching for a world order of the sovereignty of nations and insisting they should be respected. The age of ruling other nations by might was reluctantly giving way to the age of right. Our indigenous political elite, encouraged by the successful defiance of the Empire across the Straits, were themselves gearing up to harvest from the impending fruits of freedom. Inspired by Annie Besant and Helena Blavatsky and their role in Indian Independence — and with the benign presence of Col. Henry Steel Olcott the campaign to create revitalised Buddhist consciousness in Ceylon gathered momentum — led by local Buddhist clerics and lay figures in the mould of Anagarika Dharmapala. The release of the Buddhist Commission Report in 1954 touched the inner chord of every Buddhist in the country and brought forth the injustices done to the larger Buddhist population, their religion, their educational institutions and system throughout the period of subjugation — beginning from the Portuguese invasion in 1505. Coupled with this was the coming of the much awaited Buddha Jayanthi — 2500 years of Buddhism in 1955. SWRD found himself the beneficiary of that highly charged atmosphere where the larger majority of people were asserting their democratic right — kept down by force for centuries by invading imperial powers. Buddhism became an invaluable political investment — and progressively remains so to date.

This rapid sequence of events and Banderanaike leaving the UNP in 1951 — stung by the denial of his rightful political place to mobilize, in retaliation — it is argued by his opponents — the Balavegaya — the sangha, veda, guru, govi, kamkaru as the vehicle to capture political power. As in most cases of political transition, the Era of the Common Man cry of SWRD Bandaranaike of 1956 engaged detractors from several quarters but its eventual arrival was inevitable.

In fairness to SWRD, it must be said even if someone else other than he was to be in the political spotlight, challenging the government of the day armed with the same issues, that someone would have been equally victorious. But this is in no way to say that SWRD’s quest for power was free of cunning manoeuvring or political expediency. He was equally conscious of what could follow at the national level in terms of the injury to racial and religious harmony will be harmful to the general good.

He could not have failed to realize the forces of undiscipline, he was releasing will damage a country that was at racial peace for many centuries. The transition from Dominion status to total independence in other Colonial countries too engaged much acrimonious debate and confusion. His main fault may well be that the repair job he wanted to do to appease other minorities, who had valid reasons for disenchantment, failed to carry through after he seized power. The divergent and incompatible forces that shouldered him to victory were power- drunk and consumed by racial-religious prejudice to the extent they lost the necessary vision and foresight to reunite the country. Yet, History must judge SWRD more kindly and in proper perspective. After all, he had the wisdom and foresight to suggest the sharing of political power with the rest of the country through the Federal path way back in the 1920s — a reality to which the present political leadership is awakening to. If there is a lesson at all in all of this to President Mahinda Rajapakse’s regime and the future of Sri Lanka — now struggling to regain her unity and composure! — it is the empirical wisdom of Lee Man Yew referred to above — to recover the racial genie that has created so much of havoc. And bottle it up — for all time. [island.lk]

By Thanuka

Review of the book ‘Chaura Regina’ authoured by Victor Ivan

The Ravaya bookstall was packed during the book exhibition for obvious reasons. My immediate thoughts after reading the book ‘Chaura Regina’, revolved around the saying ‘ people deserve the leaders they elect’, and on how much Ivan’s work can have an effect on the political culture in Sri Lanka. People see the other side of the coin only after the leaders have departed from politics.

This column carried a story during the last presidential election campaign under the caption ‘ Has the President been fair by the average masses? ’ citing the Governance of Kumaratunga during her two spells as President of Sri Lanka. This article was written in good faith and I believe Ivan’s objective of letting out what he had suppressed all these years, was also done in good faith although one or two mentioned to me that Ivan does not have substantive evidence to justify everything he has written.

Nonetheless, Ivan’s book should run into few hundreds of more pages if her governing style had to be explained in detail. Ivan was attempting to say that she was neither a leader nor a manager. Leaders change political and institutional culture. Leaders have followers who are not only performers but also accountable to their leader and the people. There was no such leadership except for the numerous lies that were presented to the masses during elections and on TV from time to time.

She wasn’t a manager either. She would speak for one hour explaining how the garbage bins should be placed in a particular area and fitted onto the ground so that no one can steal them. In this instance, there were several senior officers taking down notes but the garbage bins never appeared in the said area for the next one-year until she had departed from her high office!

President Premadasa had to carry out follow- up work himself because he did not trust his bureaucracy. There was tremendous fear among the bureaucrats as they did not know at what time they will be called up, sometime even at midnight to check on what President Premadasa had instructed then to do. Like Kumaratunga, he too may have believed in tales carried by the people around him but in fairness to Premadasa, he was more accountable to the people, the poorest of the poor in the country, whereas Kumaratunga would find it more amusing to improvise to her circle of friends how the JVP’s minister handles the fork at a formal dinner!

Ivan touches mildly on her time management. She had kept world leaders waiting and that reflected the performance of her government and the country as a whole. She was once late by nearly 2 hours for a function hosted by her to specially selected investors in a foreign country and when she finally arrived, the CEOs of the blue chips had left the venue. One of them had to fly in his own Lear jet, to be on time for his next appointment elsewhere. She could not care less and had a nice evening with the re-maining Sri Lankans .

Her poor time management affected the time schedules of Cabinet ministers, Secretaries, Senior officers, service commanders, and various others . The whole country was falling behind but she wasn’t bothered. Whoever decided to do this was at risk of losing his job . What is unique in Sri Lanka is that there will be a number of voters who will continue to vote for her even today.

Before 1994, she criticized the open economy calling it a Kunuharupa Aarthikaya and vowed to usher in an economy with a human face. When she departed there was no economy that had progressed nor did it have a human face. A few of those who thrived have now turned to Rajapaksa, while the income disparity continues, some of those commission Kakkas can send their children to Pairs for a haircut!.

Ivan rightly said that there is nothing to remember during her two tenures. Her mother entered the international limelight with the NAM summit held in Sri Lanka which was handled by officials without computers, mobile phones, luxury vehicles, accommodation facilities etc. Kumaratunga could not even handle the SAARC summit and she was responsible for messing up the seating arrangements, and breaching protocol requirements.

Every leader in Sri Lanka is remembered with some phrase. DS : Jaathiye Piya, Dudley : Bath Dun Piya, SWRD : Nationalism, JR : Open Economy, Sirima : NAM , Premadasa : Hisata Sevanak Hithata Nivanak. Kumaratuga came and went. What may be associated with her tenure could be the war, bringing economy to zero, or being late. The joke right now is that she wants to come back to serve Sri Lanka!.

People do not mind a local MP or even a Minister attempting to lie to secure his or her position. That is the general politics in Sri Lanka. But when the leader of the country lies, the country has nowhere to go but downhill. The hypocrisy was such that during her speech in Kuliyapitiya when opening a sports and cultural centre, she emphasized the need for good policies of a state,slammed the petty politics in the country and said that she was laying the foundation to eliminate corruption! She was uttering these words on the stage during the last lap of her tenure.

Ivan goes on in a separate chapter of his book about the role of Sanath Gunathilake. We have no problem of his becoming a blue-eyed boy in the palace for whatever reason. Everyone is entitled to a private life. But when he carried a title of ‘Presidential advisor on media’ one wondered at that time how the Government could even dream of countering LTTE propaganda abroad. His media function was showing her the daily news cuttings and commenting on her photographs. If the recollection is correct, in one of the important meetings he attended, all the answers he produced to the questions raised were, “I will tell, Siripala, I will tell Somapala, I will tell Piyadasa etc”.

Yes, it is true that the country was not on a smooth sail when she came into the highest office. Peace was her first priority and the economy was the second. The only qualified public servant, who was in the first delegation to meet the LTTE, was the happiest to get out of the mess when he was not nominated afterwards. He is yet to explain why he suddenly left all the powerful positions in the Government in 1995 and went home to survive only on his pension.

Like today in Sampur, success of the Riviresa was overplayed. Keeping the security morale is one thing but making political gains over regaining of a bare land perceived to be a security threat, is another. The peace process under her Government was inconsistent to an extent when the LTTE lost interest in negotiations but saw the opportunity in regaining control with her style of governance. The LTTE did regain afterwards and almost took Jaffna.

The reason for the required level of foreign investment not flowing into the country was not mainly due to the perceived political instability in the country. There were other factors that disgruntled the officers engaged in the promotion of investments into Sri Lanka as well as the local partners in joint ventures. There was no infrastructure development that is a universal forerunner to entice the investors into a country .The investors were sent from pillar to post despite the promises given to them that there will be a ‘one stop shop’ for approvals, licences etc. It was only during her second term she realized the substantial loss of FDI into the country with other spin -off benefits and was desperately making an attempt to restart the government machinery. It was like an an attempt to wake the dead ducks.

She was responsible for making Sri Lanka’s bureaucracy ineffective and inefficient to realize political goals. One of the causes cited for the failure of the socialist government under her mother in 1977,was favoritism and privileges extended to closer circles including friends and relatives. This may have happened during the UNP regime too. But the people saw the physical development and JR himself said that a certain level of corruption can be tolerated if the job is done. The ‘half a pound loyalty…..’ theory was Kumaratunga’s criterion for placing officers into position , but did not have evaluation of performance.

Favouritism and privileges inevitably loomed during her period which Ivan had gone onto explain in detail. We do not want to believe everything he says in the book. But we also cannot reject all he had written particularly since he was a one-time close associate of Kumaratunga. The book simply raises the broad question whether she was fair by the average poor masses in the country.

The President is directly elected by the people irrespective of which party he or she belongs to. The voter casts his vote perceiving the incoming President of the country to be an embodiment of political and social virtues.

This column said before the last presidential election ‘ how much President Kumaratunga could get away from these allegations, is a question that may surface after all the felicitations come to an end’. Ivan had done exactly that. [dailymirror.lk]

by Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai

The celebration of Navarathri began on September 23rd 2006, continues till October 2nd 2006. It is celebrated for nine days. The tenth day is called “Vijayathasami”. Hindus fast and worship the Goddess during Navarathri. Navarathri is an important event in the Hindu religious calendar.

Nine nights are divided as first three nights are devoted for Goddess Durga, the next three nights are devoted for Goddess Lakshmi, and the last three nights are devoted for Goddess Saraswathi.

Goddess of Durga is worshipped to have force. Goddess Lakshmi is worshipped for wealth. And Goddess Saraswathi is worshipped for wisdom.

Amman in the Moolasthanam of Sri Maha Veera Pathirakaali Amman Temple in Rajagiriya

Kumbam is being carried to the Vasantha Mandapam by the chief priest Kanagaratnam Kurukkal

A special “Kunkuma Pooja” is performed during Navarathri

Amman and Kumbam are placed at Vasantha Mandapam till Navarathri ends

A lot of Non Hindus worship Sri Maha Veera Pathirakaali Amman

Panchcharaththi is being offered to Amman

Poorna Aguthi is performed

Devotees are being blessed by the priest

Source: humanityashore

Contact: Dushi.Pillai@gmail.com

By Arthur Wamanan

The civilians in Jaffna are frustrated due to the present situation prevailing in the peninsula, Jaffna Bishop Rt. Rev. Thomas Soundaranayagam said.

Speaking to The Sunday Leader he said the scarcity of essential items had also affected the civilians a lot.

“Jaffna is isolated from the rest of the country. The only route of bringing in items into the peninsula was the A9 road and it was closed from August 11. Now none of the private traders have goods in their shops. The prices of the essential items are also increasing everyday,” he said.

He also said the peninsula was experiencing a shortage of fuel as well.

“Kerosene is also running out. The people cannot even light a lamp these days,” Rev. Soundaranayagam added.

He also said the seas were too rough these days for the items to be brought to the peninsula.

“The LTTE has also said that they will not take any responsibility for sea transportation. That also is affecting the items being brought here,” he added.

Speaking further Rev. Soundaranayagam added he had written to the LTTE encouraging them to take part in the negotiations.

He said the civilians are unsure as to what the future would be like.

“There are conflicting statements made by the relevant parties after the Co-Chairs statement. That also frustrates the civilians a lot,” he added.

He also said he had written to President Mahinda Rajapakse to take steps to open the A9.

“I have written to the President, asking him to take the necessary steps to open the A9. Something has to be done, because thousands of people are affected due to the closure of the road. I hope the President will take the necessary steps on this issue,” he said. [The Sunday Leader.lk]

K. Arvind’s Review of Paralysis On Sri Lanka Front, by B. Raman

An useful, comprehensive and objective study of the Sri Lankan enigma –

A study of which will substantially benefit GoSL policy-makers. I am particularly impressed with the following analytical observations

(1) In the changed situation, where the LTTE is patently weaker and SL armed forces are stronger, main contributory factors are the loss of former comrade Batticoloa strongman Karuna – now an LTTE enemy and GoSL valuable ally. Karuna has taken with him more than 1/3rd of Tamil Eelam “territory” and population. The getting together of Karuna’s men and GoSL forces in the East and elsewhere against LTTE interests

(2) avenues of arms replenishment – both local and foreign – denied to the LTTE while the the prospects of the armed forces of GoSL in the same sphere increasing substantially

(3) recognising the latter GoSL increasing its pressure in land, sea and air further weakening the LTTE and regaining valuable territory from the LTTE – little concerned with civilian casualties, suffering or mass dislocation of the Tamil population in conflict-ridden areas – some of whom adding to the refugee population in Tamilnadu

(4) more efficient useage of air power by SLAF buoyed by ultra-modern Israeli Kfir Jets and the alleged deployment of highly experienced Pakistani fighters

(5) greater belief in Ranil Wickremasinghe to provide accomodation, compromise and a possible break-through in the Sinhala-Tamil governing arrangement

(6) the “gray” perception Mahinda Rajapakse has built on the side of Indian analysts as a man with “two faces” – one of “another Premadasa” hardly an inspiring name on the Indian side.

Since Mr Raman’s paper was presented, there have been other significant developments

- the daily killings not only in the battle-scarred Tamil dominated North and East but in Colombo itself. While many of these are attributed to “prejudiced” men in the armed services – acting either with the or without the knowledge of their superiors -and the presence of the dreaded “White Vans” without numbers moving in the tightly guarded streets with impunity; all of which leaving Tamils with the fearful thought the the safeguards to persons and property enshrined in the Constitution are denied to them

- the brazen abduction of wealthy Tamil businessmen in Colombo in the past few months – inspite of assurances to Tamil political representation at the “highest levels” in Colombo. These kidnappings are purely for ransom, allegedly (but not only and necessarily) by Karuna’s men, now enjoying a presence in a highly-residential area in Colombo. It was alleged in the floor of Parliament itself last week this is being done with some renegade uniformed men sharing the spoils and that abductions have now become “‘a booming business” Till now GoSL has been unable or unwilling to arrest this very dangerous and disturbing (from the Tamil angle, that is) It has just been announced that GoSL has appointed a Commission to look into this. An important factor that must be emphasised in this issue is that GoSL forces, including the Police, look at all Tamils with prejudice and suspicion. Therefore, any suffering by Tamils “is OK” After all, they are the “enemy” GoSL must go all out to eliminate this perception in the minds of most of their men in uniform.

- The orchestrated campaign to attack the popular Indian High Commissioner Mrs Nirupama Rao by many sections of the Press editorially and via some powerful politicians – to which side the controversial Anura Bandaranaike has joined forces albeit calling her sarcastically as “pretty lady” This is hardly the time to earn India’s ire. But then Sri Lanka has invariably had problems in distinguising between friend and foe. It is particularly sad because the IHC has made a very large circle of friends in the Colombo elite and is, arguably, one of the most popular envoys to reach this shore from India. In many ways she has shown she loves Sri Lanka, all per people and has done much to help the island regain her tranquility.

-The piece de resistance in Mr Raman’s analysis is the suggestion that in India’s scheme of things in the immediate future should be some form of rapproachment with the LTTE – however distasteful her past has been in her relations with India. An early settlement of the Sri Lankan Tamil question defying settlement has been India’s “Vietnam Syndrome” in the Island’s politics. It is time India showed her magnanimity in the Gandhian mould and forget the sad Rajiv Gandhi attempted assault and subsequent assassination, the forced graceless departure of the IPKF that lost over a thousand valuable Indian lives here and many other.

The Tamil people of the Island have been subject to enormous suffering, loss of thousands of lives, homes, families, assets for so long. They are totally disillusioned and pray for the return of peace and normalcy. Many gallant young men and women in the Tamil side inspite of great sacrifices have not been able to provide this so far. The lot of the Tamils, in fact, has never been worse. Both India and the more enlightened sections of the Sri Lankan polity must now close ranks and provide this much awaited succour – soon.