TamilWeek - June 26
			Who is to Bell the Cat? By Dr. Rajasingham Narendran “Many Tamils may wonder as to ’who is to bell’ Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism-and, indeed how” (editorial response Tamil National.org, Tamil National Forum 2004/2005). “---Suggestion to reform the LTTE at this late stage is as baffling as the proverbial question ‘who is to bell the cat?” (Dr.S. Narapalasingam, Tamil Week, June 19’2005). The same question, ‘Who is to bell the cat?’ is being asked by two Tamils, from two different perspectives, with reference to two different cats-Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinism and the LTTE.   This is a very pertinent question that summarizes the current Tamil dilemma very succinctly.  The discussion has to obviously touch on the two cats that have been identified, while dealing with the issue of who is to bell, which is the key element in the question.   It is interesting that the Tamils who have overwhelmingly considered the so-called Sinhala- chauvinists as the predators (the cats) and themselves as the victims, are beginning in considerable numbers to consider the LTTE also as a predator (cat) that needs to be belled.   Equally interestingly, an overwhelming number of Sinhala people who consider the LTTE as the predatory cat that needs to be belled, are increasingly and in significant numbers beginning to identify the extreme elements among them as also the cats that need to be belled (Tisaranee Gunasekera, The Lanka Academic, 13th June’2005), although the cat analogy has not been specifically used.   Are the Sinhala and Tamil people finally finding some common ground after decades of misunderstanding, mutual suspicions and reciprocal violence? The Sinhala-chauvinists, from the Tamil point of view are largely the elements among the Sinhala polity who have promoted, demanded, supported and implemented policies such as the colonization schemes in the Tamil majority provinces, the Sinhala-only thrust and its ramifications, the language-wise standardization schemes in admissions to universities, the violent disruption of the International Tamil conference in Jaffna, the burning of the Jaffna public library, the planned and orchestrated ethnic riots, the Buddhisization of Kathirkamam ( Katharagama) and the vengefully and arrogantly conducted  brutal war against the Tamil militants (principally the LTTE) without any consideration or compunction for the ordinary Tamil people.  The elements among the Sinhala polity, who have criticized and opposed the ceasefire agreement, planted the large Buddha statue in Trincomalee and are opposing the post-tsunami reconstruction mechanism, can be added to the above mix. The negative personal experiences of individual Tamils in interactions with Sinhala individuals in the Sri Lankan public services, police service, armed services and among ordinary citizens have added colour to the above perceptions.   To many Tamils, principally those under thirty years of age, who have had no interactions what-so-ever with ordinary Sinhala people over the past two or three decades, the armed forces based in the north and east -who are almost exclusively Sinhalese- became synonymous with the Sinhala people and all Sinhalese became chauvinists.   The chauvinist label was attached to either a large percentage or all the Sinhalese people, depending on the experiences of the Tamils. In the absence of in-depth analysis, discussions and debate among the Tamils on the basis, justifications, depth and width of the so-called Sinhala chauvinism and its manifestations and the gradual isolation of the Tamil main stream from the Sinhala people, the above perceptions and experiences reinforced by politicians’ interpretations in emotion rousing rhetoric in a by-gone era and the propaganda of the Tamil militants in more recent times, became the only accepted truth. The facts such as the middle class Tamils allocated twenty five acres of land each in Wellwaya- in the Sinhala heartland- in mid-1950s and who were unable to find Tamils to clear, till and develop them (There are yet Palmyra palms lining the boundaries of these lands, that were planted by these visionary Tamils); the lands that were allocated in overnight land kachcheri’s in Vavuniya by Government Agent Rajadurai (another forgotten Tamil visionary) to the Tamil elite which remained undeveloped for decades ; the reluctance of Jaffna Tamils to move in to land development schemes in the Vanni and the eastern province, remain unknown facts to most Tamils today.  The spontaneous response of Martin, our aging domestic driver, who was a decent and very likeable Sinhalese man, after watching a Bharatha natyam recital by a Tamil girl on television may be of interest to the Tamils in particular.  He to my surprise said,” Demala minisuth thang Bharatha Natya keranawa (the Tamils have also taken up Bharatha Natyam now)”.  Bharatha natyam had become a Sinhala art to him, because of the pioneering efforts of Padmini Dahanayake and other Sinhala artists who had followed suit.  The Sinhalese have been much more open to adopt and synthesize what is good and likeable in the Tamil-Hindu culture, than we Tamils have been willing to from the Sinhala- Buddhist culture. We Tamils have obviously not been free of the chauvinism that we accuse the Sinhalese of.  Sinhala-chauvinism, however, is the cat that remains to be belled from the Tamil perspective, if the Sinhala-Tamil problem is to be sorted out in Sri Lanka. Among the Sinhalese, the stories such as that of Dutugemunu, widely propagated by visionless and opportunistic Sinhala politicians created the perception that the Tamils were in some way standing in their way to asserting their Sinhala-Buddhist identity, in the period leading to and following independence. The short sighted response of the Tamil politicians, such as the 50:50 demand, instead of  a federal political structure for independent Ceylon (Sri Lanka); the schizophrenia reflected in the name federal party in English and Thamil Arasukkatchi (Tamil government party) in Tamil for the same entity; the encouragement of resistance by Tamil public servants who had to serve in Sinhalese areas to learning the Sinhala language, in turn reinforced these perceptions.  With time, the problems snow balled as the quality of the politicians on both sides of the ethnic divide precipitously declined and false and very inaccurate perceptions became reinforced, through the action and reaction phenomenon that was triggered.  The disgraceful, anti- national and, inflammatory and partisan role played by the media in Sri Lanka in making the situation deteriorate over time was considerable. The advent of the Tamil militancy; its phenomenal growth and military successes; thoughtless or short sighted violence and vengeful attitude directed at the Sinhala leadership, symbols of Buddhism and ordinary Sinhala people; the virulent media propaganda supportive of the brutal Sri Lankan government response made all Tamils, Tigers in the Sinhala perception. The nationalistic aspirations of the resurgent Sinhalese people, which was natural and a positive force at the beginning, was with time deformed in to a negative force that emanated from a people who thought they were under siege by Tamils within their country and from neighbouring India- which at one time was thought to be a predominantly Tamil nation by a large number of Sinhalese and pro-Tamil by the rest.   The advent of the ceasefire despite its imperfections and inbuilt dangers, the emergence of a generation of Sinhalese whose aspirations have become globalized and more bread and butter oriented, and who are aware of the futility and brutality of war though personal experiences and the wide access to television, have contributed to separating the Tamils from the LTTE- the Tigers, in the Sinhala psyche.  This is a significant development in Sri Lanka.  The behaviour, attitudes and mode of functioning of the LTTE- that has been singularly unable to evolve to accommodate the current aspirations of the Tamils- has made the Sinhalese sense that the Tamils may be as much the victims of the LTTE, as they potentially are.  This has led to the LTTE being identified in the popular Sinhala mind as the barrier to resolving the Sinhala – Tamil problems within a united Sri Lanka.  History has indeed turned a full circle in Sri Lanka!   The efforts of the JVP and JHU to buck the evolving trend and rekindle old fears and fires in the Sinhala polity have proved futile in the current circumstances.  How long this sane and rational situation will prevail would largely depend on the behaviour of the LTTE and response of the Tamils.  The emergence of the JVP and JHU as political players to be reckoned within the Sinhala polity, has given rise to fears among the Tamils of the possible re-emergence of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism as a potent force in Sri Lanka.  The question as to who will bell this chauvinistic cat has once again emerged as an important issue among the Tamils. While the Sinhalese in very large measure have come to accept that the Tamils have genuine grievances that should be resolved through reorganization of political and administrative structures in Sri Lanka with extensive decentralization of power to the periphery, the Tamils, forcibly led by the LTTE, are set on a rather intransigent course.  An independent ‘Tamil Ealam’ by hook or by crook, seems to be the goal of the LTTE.  The aspirations of the silent majority of the Tamils definitely do not coincide with those of the LTTE and its vocal and violent supporters.   Unfortunately, what we see in the Tamil polity is the tyranny of inaction that has been imposed by the LTTE.  The popular Tamil voice has been silenced through methods Adolf Hitler would have been proud.  In this ‘Tyranny of inaction’ Tamils are being told in no unmistakable terms by the LTTE that asking questions is tantamount to rebellion against their authority and questioning their authority is unpardonable blasphemy- both acts being punishable by death.  What to do and what not to do; what to believe and what not to believe; what to say and what not to say; what to hear and what not to hear; what to see and what not to see; what to read and what not to read; and how to act and how not to react, are all responses now orchestrated in various degrees for the Tamils by the LTTE.  The Tamil nationalism personified by the LTTE, negates democracy and the rights of the Tamils as individuals and a group. This has raised the question as to who will bell the cat in the form of the LTTE for the Tamils. Only the concerted efforts of the Sinhala and Tamil peoples can bell Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and the LTTE.   The Sinhala masses should not any longer be unquestioningly swayed by the irrational sentiments and fears expressed by the extreme political elements and the media. Fortunately, democracy is yet a vibrant and vital force in the Sinhala polity.  This gives the Sinhalese people the opportunity to reject Sinhala- Buddhist chauvinistic forces, while supporting the true nationalists and Buddhist resurgence lobby- who are for a peaceful, prosperous, multi- ethnic, multi-religious, progressive, united, civilized and prosperous Sri Lanka.  Such a rational response by the Sinhala polity- the beginnings of which we are now seeing- will bell the Sinhala- Buddhist chauvinism cat, allaying one of the ingrained fears of the Tamils. The assistance of the Sinhala people is also required to bell the LTTE cat. If the Sinhala polity can unilaterally offer just and comprehensive proposals to resolve the Sinhala-Tamil problems, including constitutional changes for a federal system of governance, as soon as possible, the silenced majority among the Tamils will be empowered to assert themselves and stand up to the LTTE.  Unless and until this happens, the LTTE cat will remain un-belled to the detriment of both the Sinhalese and Tamils.   Peoples’ power- Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim- has to become a potent force in Sri Lanka, to bell the cats that are our scourge.  The media- both printed and visual- should play an enlightened, rational, mature and supportive role at least in the future to make this a reality. This is possible and we should all work to make it possible.
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