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The Tamils and Sinhala Extremism
By Dr. Rajasingham Narendran
To stop being reasonable, accommodative, trusting and forgiving in search of a peaceful and just solution within Sri Lanka and become once again intransigent, unforgiving, vengeful, violent and ruthless in pursuit of an independent Tamil Ealam is the only option that has been violently, provocatively and very dramatically presented to the Tamils by some extreme elements of the Sinhala polity over the past month. Fading memories of Buddharakita Thero and his cohorts, Wimala Wijewardene, K.M.P and Kusuma Rajaratne, Prof. Jayasuriya, J.R. Jayawardene and his Kandy march and the fate of the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam pact have been rekindled in the Tamil mind and given rise to fresh doubts as to the reliability of the Sinhala political establishment as a partner on the march towards peace and justice.
While democracy, with its in-built respect for human rights, makes it obligatory that every citizen or citizens grouping has a right to voice an opinion, campaign for it and be heard, it does not give any one, including Buddhist monks, the license to disturb peace and purvey violence, racism and intolerance that would contribute to making an existing bad situation worse in our country. It is a national disgrace that such happenings are yet possible in the twenty first century in a country like Sri Lanka with a civilization spanning thousands of years. If the violence of the Tamil militants in pursuit of a cause is labeled terrorism, what are we to call the type of violence purveyed by Buddhist monks in the name of a relative non-issue?
The forces that are violently protesting the recognition and legitimacy being accorded to the LTTE are justifying the continued relevance of the LTTE, its ways and mores, by their inane, if not insane, actions. When put together, the opposition of these forces to the post-tsunami reconstruction mechanism and the positioning of the large Buddha statue in Trincomalee are conclusively deliberate attempts to stir ethno-religious passions in Sri Lanka and derail the emerging national consensus to resolve the Sinhala -Tamil and majority -minority problems. This pathological phenomenon is endemic in the Sinhala political establishment and the present events are only an expected and inevitable relapse. If these extreme forces had campaigned in the name of Lord Buddha for peace, justice and equality for all peoples in Sri Lanka, including the Tamils and conducted fast- unto-death campaigns in the process, their present efforts may have been justified, supported and even admired not only by the Sinhalese but by the Tamils as well! The concept of fasting- a spiritual tool- deployed in support of a just and humane political cause (including the cause of the Naukali Muslims in divided India) by Mahatma Gandhi is being brought in to ridicule and disrepute by some Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka. What authority- morally, socially or politically, do these hobnobs of negativity have to deploy this profound spiritual tool, except that they have shaven heads and wear yellow robes? The fasting monks of Sri Lanka, should understand that it is the purity of the intension behind the fast and the quality of the person undertaking it that make it effective and give it sanctity, and not the fasting act per-se.
It is fortunate that an over whelming majority of the Sinhala people recognizing the shenanigans of these individuals for what they are worth, kept their calm and are beginning to make their voices heard over the din. The inherent sense of what is right and what is wrong present in a majority of the Sinhala people should be admired and harnessed by the Tamils and other minorities. The ‘political’ monks do not represent the core values of Buddhism or the Sinhalese and are in fact bringing disrepute to both the religion and the people, in the name of fighting for Sinhala-Buddhist rights. The Sinhalese and Buddhism have survived and prospered in Sri Lanka for two thousands years or more and will do so for thousands of more years not because of the efforts of such monks, but because of the quiet piety and exemplary conduct of the thousands of monks who are carrying out their mission in temples, Aramayas (refuges) and Dhamma Paasalas (religious schools), scattered around the island. Their efforts are seldom spoken of or publicized. The vast majority of the Sinhala people are yet anchored to their cultural values as Sinhalese and religious values as Buddhists because of the efforts of these true disciples of Lord Buddha. A clean shaven head and yellow robes alone do not make a person a monk, unless there is true renunciation of worldly attachments, accompanied by compassion, kindness, humility, righteousness and a deep understanding of what Buddhism stands for. The ‘Middle Path’ is the hallmark of Buddhism and extremism of any sort is alien.
The nascent resistance to the LTTE and its operations within the Tamil community, should not be mistaken for a weakness in the Tamil polity that can be exploited to subvert Tamil rights and reverse a rather slow moving process to set things right. The on-going vigorous debate within the Tamil polity on the role of the LTTE and what is expected from it, are a sign that the Tamils are coming out of years of stupor induced by war wariness and fear, to re-assert their political rights as a people and personal rights as individuals. The Tamils are in the process of redefining their collective and individual aspirations and goals. In fact the Tamil nation is going through a process of catharsis. The Tamil polity is going to be stronger as a result of this debate and not weaker, as some elements among both the Tamils and Sinhalese are apparently prone to surmise. The voice of the Tamil people is beginning to be heard after a long time and this shows that the Tamil polity is alive and kicking. The Tamils may have problems with the LTTE, but it is largely a problem the Tamils have to resolve. While we Tamils would welcome whatever positive assistance offered by the Sinhala polity and the international community to bring about desired reforms in the LTTE, we should not permit the LTTE being made an excuse to deny our legitimate rights as a people, after the years of suffering we have undergone.
The LTTE may be prone to exploit the legitimacy to participate in the post-tsunami reconstruction efforts, to pursue its own goals using tactics it has refined through practice over the years. It is up to the Tamil people, the Sri Lankan government and the international community to ensure that such abuse is prevented. The LTTE presently uses the machinery, personnel and the resources of the Sri Lankan government to carry out its dictates in the areas under its control, in Tamil areas under the control of the Sri Lankan government and beyond, through threats of violence and death, and the tool of bribery being increasingly resorted to. The LTTE has become a government in the shadows exercising power largely for its own benefit, without any of the attendant obligations, responsibilities and accountability. This has been one of the major drawbacks of the Norwegian sponsored ceasefire agreement. As the opening of the A-9 road to civilian traffic to facilitate easy movement of people, goods and services has been exploited by the LTTE to collect illegal taxes and other levies; start its own business ventures; impose its will on the Tamil people through threats and violence; and slow down reconstruction and development, the post-tsunami reconstruction mechanism should not be permitted to be similarly exploited. The biggest mistake being made by the Sri Lankan governments is identifying agreements such as the post-tsunami reconstruction mechanism, as between the government and the LTTE, instead of between the government and the Tamil people; with the LTTE receiving recognition as the only available representative of the Tamil people under contrived circumstances prevailing in the north and east. This differentiation should be scrupulously adhered to in the future, despite attendant difficulties.
Alan Keenan (Boston Review-summer’2005) in an excellent analysis of the situation in Sri Lanka says,” Since crushing or incorporating its Tamil rivals, the LTTE has emerged as a deeply undemocratic counter-state, controlling much of the north and east of Sri Lanka and maintaining tight political control over the Tamils across the island and throughout the international Diaspora. -----The UNP-Norwegian strategy also gave the Tigers’ military free reign in the north and east. The UNP government never publicly criticized the Tigers for its rash political assassinations-which began almost from the beginning of the ceasefire - or for continued child recruitment, an arms build-up, or illegal taxation. To many Sri Lankans, especially Sinhalese, the UNP was recklessly compromising both security and liberal-democratic principles. As a Tamil critic of the LTTE told me last summer, the UNP confused ‘engaging’ the Tigers with ‘empowering’ them; the former was unavoidable if you wanted peace; the latter was unforgivable if you wanted a just and sustainable peace”.
The JVP and the JHU while sensing the failures of the ceasefire agreement and the potential pitfalls in the post-tsunami reconstruction mechanism have resorted to extremely wrong tactics to express their concerns. The LTTE must be engaged in some way as the only visible representative of the Tamils at present - however untenable this may be at the grassroots- and because of the military control it exercises over large sectors of the north and east affected by the tsunami. There is no getting away from this reality. The organizational skills and dedication of the LTTE leadership and its cadres are assets that should be garnered for effective implementation of the reconstruction mission, while minimizing or eliminating the expected problems. One has to be careful not to throw the baby out along with the dirty bath water, as some extreme elements among the Sinhala polity are attempting to do. One need not pander to the whims and the ways of the LTTE to be able to work with it. The joint mechanism is also an opportunity to show the world what the LTTE truly is- honest, democratic and dedicated to the welfare of the Tamils or corrupt, devious, undemocratic and with minimum or no concern for the welfare of the Tamils. The post - tsunami reconstruction mechanism should be the crucible in which the LTTE is held to high standards of probity and judged. Let us keep it constantly under the microscope.
The post-tsunami reconstruction mechanism will also be the crucible in which the Sri Lankan government, the Sinhala political establishment and the Sinhala polity will be judged, for their ability to transcend parochialism and do justice to the minorities. This mechanism should be also the prelude to the recommencement of the peace dialogue between the Sinhalese, Tamils and the Muslims. This is a matter of urgent national priority. This is also the time for the forces of progress, development and peace in the Sinhala political establishment to come together to marginalize the extreme elements and give voice to the true sentiments of the Sinhala people. If the current opportunities are missed, a similar conglomeration of circumstances would not arise for a long time in the foreseeable future. I hope Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremasinghe can rise to this challenge transcending their personal ambitions and abandoning partisan politics at least for a few years, and etch a worthy place for themselves in Sri Lankan history. As much as the democratic voice of the Tamils has to be heard, the democratic voice of the Sinhalese and Muslims should also be heard, if stable political solutions are to be arrived at. ‘Vox Populi, Vox Dei’ - the voice of the people is the voice of God. This is proving true in Sri Lanka and should be harnessed for the greater good of our island. We have listened to the noice of the devils (extremists) for too long, mistaking it for the voice of the Gods (people)!
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