Sri Lanka: It is the Economy, Stupids!
By: Dr.Rajasingham Narendran
Sri Lanka, as a nation has reached a major intersection in her history. The
Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and others who constitute the citizens of Sri Lanka are
now struck at this intersection- bewildered, confused and lost, not knowing in which
direction to head. Unfortunately, there are no sign posts to tell us in which direction
we have to travel not only to ensure the territorial integrity of our island nation, but
also a prosperous future for us and the generations to come. The Sinhalese,
Tamils and Muslims as the citizens of Sri Lanka have to make a momentous
decision on the direction we have to chart and post the necessary signs for the
future generations as well. We cannot and should not dodge this responsibility
any more. It should not be the numbers game we have played since
independence any more. The problems that confront us are the same-in nature
and seriousness-irrespective of whether we are Sinhalese- the majority or Tamils
and Muslims- the significant minorities. It is also not a matter of north, south, east,
west and the centre, area wise either. It is a problem for all peoples of Sri Lanka-
from all circumstances and backgrounds in life. The time has come for us as a
people and our leaders to come together to identify what is good for mother
Lanka, while ensuring that every citizen, irrespective of his / her origins, religion,
affiliations or social strata, is provided the opportunities to be what he / she is or
become what he/ she wants to be and is capable of. This is a national imperative.
We have in a shortsighted, naïve, stupid and sometimes vicious manner, tried
everything that were very irrational and most times bordering the insane, rather
than what is sensible, rational, logical and moral, to solve our problems during the
course of our post-independence history, at a great cost to our nation and
people. The assertion of strident Sinhala nationalism, Tamil nationalism and
Muslim nationalism has forestalled the development of an overarching Sri Lankan
nationalism, encompassing all Sri Lankan citizens. Even a calamity such as the
recent Tsunami could not unite us as a nation for long. Parochial consciousness,
whether Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim, each feeding on the supposed failures, actions
and reactions of the others, and founded on irrelevant history, legends and myths
have prevented a Sri Lankan nationalism taking root and thriving. To the
Sinhalese, being a Sri Lankan is to be a Sinhala-Buddhist, because of their
majority status, uniqueness of their language and special links to Buddhism. The
assumption that the Sinhala-Buddhist identity is synonymous with the Sri Lankan
identity has precluded the majority community from empathizing with the concept of
equal citizenship for the other communities in Sri Lanka. The politically motivated
identification of the indigenous Tamils in Sri Lanka with Indian invaders and not the
scientifically valid reality of geological events that separated the island from
peninsular India, have significantly contributed in no small way to this mind set.
Failure to recognize the fact that the indigenous Tamils too have a long history in
the island, at least as long as the Sinhalese, has been a major failure of the
Sinhala people. To the Tamils threatened by this attitude and having suffered as a
result, being a Tamil and asserting their Tamil identity in reaction transcends the
need to be first and foremost Sri Lankans. The Tamils in turn have striven to
assert their claims to parts of the island on the basis of recorded history, legends,
historical memory and population distribution to preserve their distinct identity. To
the Muslims, who are largely Tamil speaking, but are unique in terms of religion
and culture, the fear of being overwhelmed by both the Sinhalese and Tamils, has
given rise to the need to assert their Muslim identity above the Sri Lankan identity.
While the failures of the Sinhala polity have been identified, recognized, criticized,
condemned, regretted and even partially apologized for, the possible failures of
the Tamil polity have received scant attention, since the Tamils have been largely
the victims and underdogs. It is in the nature of the world to sympathize with the
victims and ignore their shortcomings. The Tamil polity, has been led and
dominated by the ‘Jaffna Tamils’ in modern times, due to advantages this group
has enjoyed in terms of education, professional status, employment and material
success. The character of the Jaffna man, developed over centuries in a relatively
difficult geographical environment, could be described as conservative, hard
working, practical, utilitarian, prudent, frugal, religious and economic security
conscious. He had to work hard to succeed in life and provide a better life for his
children. Very little came easily to him. Irrespective of whether it was in agriculture,
trade, education or paid employment, the Jaffna man was famous for his diligent
hard work, inherent intelligence and stoic patience. The Jaffna man, however,
cannot be described as farsighted, visionary or revolutionary. Clannishness and
largely village-based parochialism also prevented the Jaffna man developing a
broader outlook that encompassed realities beyond his immediate environment.
The relative isolation of the Jaffna peninsula until British times from the rest of Sri
Lanka, contributed in no small way to this.
The utilitarian practicality of the Jaffna man permitted him to recognize the
advantages of modern western education, long before the rest in the island did.
The Jaffna peninsula thus became fertile ground for Christian missionaries and
their educational institutions. This was followed by a Hindu renaissance led by
Arumuga Navalar and establishment of leading Hindu educational institutions
patterned on the missionary model. Jaffna thus was able to produce high caliber
hard working, men in large numbers to serve the colonial administration. Given the
harsh life and limited opportunities in the Peninsula, the Jaffna man, found the
circumstances opportune to seek economic prosperity. Despite increasingly
seeking his fortunes in south Sri Lanka and in other British colonies like Malaya,
the Jaffna man retained strong links to the land of his origins, his village and clan.
However, the parochialism developed in a by-gone era remained and was further
entrenched, becoming something to be proud of (The existence of ‘Ariyalai’,
‘Urumbirai’ and other similarly named Tamil gangs in London today attest this).
The success in the colonial era, made the Jaffna man also perceive himself as
superior in intelligence and ability to his compatriots, whether they were Sinhalese
or non-peninsular Tamils in the Vanni, east and the hill country. The frequently
heard and rather disparaging refrain of the Jaffna Tamils was, “Moettu Singalavan
(Idiotic Sinhalese)”. The same sort of attitude was also unfortunately adopted
towards the non-peninsular Tamils.
An inability to foresee the realities in an independent Sri Lanka, where the majority
Sinhalese and the other Tamils and Muslims will seek to also secure their share of
the economic pie in the course of time, was a major failure of the Jaffna Tamils.
The success achieved in the colonial era, laid the foundations for the subsequent
failure in the post-colonial era. The Tamil leadership, in the immediate pre- and
post-independence periods, was largely ‘Jaffna Tamil’ and lacked the vision to
foresee events and lead the Tamils towards an inclusive Sri Lankan identity. The
Muslims had fared better in this regard until recent times, although disparaged by
the Tamils for their strategy. When confronted with the Sinhalese assertiveness in
the wake of independence, the ‘JaffnaTamil’ reaction was to cling on to and even
try to expand the advantages inadvertently secured in the colonial era, without
sympathizing and empathizing with the expectations of the Sinhalese, Muslims and
other Tamils. This failure of the Tamil leadership, transformed what was largely a
problem that could have been sorted out from a national perspective by the joint
efforts of the Sinhala and Tamil polities into one of confrontations between the
Sinhalese and Tamils. The Sinhalese were made to feel that the Tamils, who had
taken a larger share of the economic pie, disproportionate to their population in
the colonial era, were not only intent on preserving it, but also standing in the way
of their own progress. This perception was cultivated, encouraged and magnified
out of real proportions by an opportunistic, short sighted, immature and largely
incapable Sinhala leadership. The Vanni, eastern and hill country Tamils too
began to resent the dominating attitude and influence of the Jaffna Tamils,
although the overall Tamil identity contained it to a large extent. The mistakes and
lack of vision on the part of the Jaffna Tamils and their leaders does not however
exonerate the Sinhala polity from the short sighted and brutal manner in which it
tried to correct what were historical distortions, but definitely not deliberate
historical injustice as ignorantly, maliciously and frequently portrayed.
The fact that both Sinhala and Tamil nationalisms were largely based on the
demand for a larger share of the shrinking economic pie cannot be ignored.
There are more in common between the Sinhalese and Tamils as peoples and
between their principal religions – Buddhism and Hinduism, than generally
acknowledged or spoken. However, instead of finding ways to unite us on our
commonalities, vigorous efforts were made on both sides to highlight the
differences, as the success and survival of the mediocre politicians dominating the
political landscape depended on deepening the differences. The rapid population
expansion from around six million at independence to around twenty million today,
in the absence of a corresponding increase in economic opportunities, coupled
with poor governance, led to democracy becoming a simple tug-of-war in which the
numerically stronger side tried to grab the entire economic pie. This was
unfortunately explained and glorified as Sinhala- Buddhist nationalism asserting
itself after a prolonged period of colonial servitude. In an environment in which
there were no attempts being made to forge a Sri Lankan identity and lay the
foundations for rational economic development and prosperity, it was inevitable
that conflicts had to arise between the different components of the population.
The politicians ruling the roost, to satisfy the ever-growing demands of the majority
community – the vote bank, at the expense of the minorities and the nation,
resorted to every possible ruse, short of sound economic planning and better
financial management. The minorities became the scapegoats of a political system
in deep crisis. The people were made fools and criminalized as a result.
The aggrieved Tamils, being the minority specifically targeted and made to suffer,
in turn sought shelter under the umbrella of Tamil nationalism to remedy their
economic problems. The fault lines in the resultant Tamil resistance were largely
due to the contradiction between the parameters of nationalism and economic
grievances. If the Tamil resistance had been based on the concepts of
nationalism, it would have permitted men of intellect, culture and wisdom to be in
the lead, as in the case of the Indian independence movement. However, since it
was largely based on economic grievances, but parading under the guise of Tamil
nationalism, it evolved in to a violent militancy led by and composed of largely
lumpen elements in the Tamil society who were left behind following the mass
exodus of educated and skilled Tamils to foreign climes. It was inevitable that it
became what it is today, given its murky and confused origins. The Tamil leaders
of the past were incapable of comprehending the unfolding phenomenon and tried
to play it both ways. This led to the double talk- one in the Tamil areas and the
other in the Sinhala heartland and, seeking of economic favours from the Sinhala
political establishment, while on the other hand openly canvassing for a Tamil
Ealam. This duplicity soon became exposed and they had to fall by the way side.
Paraphrasing President Clinton, I have to say, “It is the economy, stupids!” We
have to now find solutions to the political problems that were self inflicted, in order
to work on the real problem – the national economy. If the national economy can
be made to grow reasonably well and prosper, there will be enough for everyone
as individuals in the economic pie. There won’t be the need for any one to resort
to majoritarian and minoritarian nationalisms to stampede for their share of the
pie. The political problems while a reality are not the root cause of Sri Lanka’s
woes. The longer we delay settling the political problems the longer and the more
difficult it will be to overcome the economic problems. If we do not pursue economic
development vigorously and achieve reasonable national prosperity, the political
problems will in turn become worse and more difficult to resolve. A vicious cycle
indeed! This is our current dilemma. The situation is akin to a dog chasing its own
tail. It can only go in circles! Unfortunately, we have been singularly unable to
produce a leader of the caliber of Lee Kuan Yew or Mahathir Mohamed to take us
out of this vicious cycle.
Let us all- Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims- work towards achieving a consensus on
the political solutions. The politicians will not resolve these problems, if it is left to
their devices, as these are their creation and it is in their interest not to resolve
them. The demand and the relentless pressure have to come from the people and
the politicians will then come on line. What is the way forward? The adversarial
nature of parliamentary democracy practiced in Sri Lanka is fated to be
permanently immature and unable to transcend partisan politics even in times of
national crisis. This has been the albatross around our neck since independence.
The way out is to demand that parties that are in agreement over the outlines of a
political settlement and a federal constitution form a national government. This
national government should be mandated to forge a federal constitution for Sri
Lanka, unique to our circumstances, relevant to the political issues confronting us
and capable of dealing with the needs of the future. It should be non-partisan,
principled, logical, practical and democratic. It should recognize the multi-ethnic
and multi-religious nature of Sri Lanka and deal with the factors that have led us to
the present crisis. The problems of the Tamils should not be confused with those
with the LTTE or the Tamil militancy. Although the LTTE has emerged as a major
player in the Tamil polity, it cannot be the exclusive player. In the absence of
identifiable, elected and widely accepted leadership of the Tamils on the national
scene, a vigorous attempt must be made to identify Tamils of stature and integrity
who can participate in constitutional deliberations. The new constitution should
permit wider participatory democracy and strengthen the Sri Lankan identity, while
permitting the diversity within to thrive.
On the economic front, the national government should set goals for economic
development and create the foundations for island-wide infrastructure and human
resource development, without pandering to shortsighted political considerations.
Palpable prosperity reaching all citizens of Sri Lanka should be the goal. Every Sri
Lankan should feel that he or she has a stake in the nation’s development and will
be benefited. The economic development pursued should have a human face and
recognize the ground realities in terms of poverty and other social disparities.
While modernizing and pursuing economic goals, we should also preserve our
distinctiveness as a people. A tall order indeed!
We have the talent and capability to achieve these political and economic goals,
provided the right environment is created nationally and citizens are provided the
opportunity to pursue their dreams. We have had enough of the lion and tiger
phenomena and the aftermath. Let these be the bad dreams of the past. We have
a lot of catching up to do and let us not be diverted by the antics of the lions and
tigers any more. Let us also hope that the falcons (Muslims) too do not join the
circus and make matters worse.
The following quotes from an article titled, ’This was a historic day’ by Uri Avery,
the veteran Israeli journalist (Arab News, 25th August’2005), referring to the Israeli
withdrawal from the Gaza strip are very much relevant to Sri Lanka:
“This was the day on which the message of the Israeli peace movement finally got
through. A great victory for all to see. True it is not us who did it. It was done by a
man far removed from us. But as the Hebrew saying goes: The work of the
righteous is done by others.”
“If I am angry, profoundly sad and frustrated today, it is because of the price we all
paid for this ‘monstrous enterprise’. The thousands killed because of it, Israelis
and Palestinians. The hundreds of billions of shekels poured down the drain. The
moral decline of our state, the creeping brutalization, the postponement of peace
for dozens of years. Anger with the demagogues of all stripes that started and
continued this march of folly, out of stupidity, blindness, greed, cynicism. Anger
over the suffering wrought on the Palestinians, whose land and water were stolen,
whose houses were destroyed and whose trees were uprooted- all for the ‘security’
of these settlements.”
“During the last few years, the peace camp has been seized by a fashion for
despair, despondency and depression. I keep repeating: there is no cause for this.
In the long run, our approach is winning. Now it must be emphasized: the Israeli
public would not have supported this operation, and Sharon would not have been
able to carry it out, if we had not prepared public opinion by voicing ideas that
were far removed from the national consensus and repeating them countless times
over the years.”
“At the moment of truth, the Yesha leaders found that no part of Israeli society
stood up for them, except the gangs of male and female pupils of religious
seminaries, who they had sent to Gush Katif. The bedlam they created on the roof
of the Kfar Darom synagogue, when they viciously attacked the soldiers, put an
end to their winning public support. But even before that, the settlers had lost the
crucial battle for public opinion when their real purpose was revealed: to impose by
force a faith-based, messianic, racist, violent, xenophobic regime, with its back to
the world at large.”
“A great opportunity, because the Israeli democracy has won a resounding victory.
Because it has been proven that settlements can be dismantled without the sky
falling. Because the Palestinians have a leadership that wants peace. Because it
has been proven that even the radical Palestinian organizations hold their fire
when Palestinian public opinion demands it.”
“But it must be clearly stated that this withdrawal carries with it great danger. If we
stop in the middle of jumping over it, we shall fall into the abyss. If we do not
progress rapidly from here to a settlement with the Palestinian people, Gaza will
indeed turn in to a platform for missiles. In the eyes of the Palestinians, and the
entire world, the withdrawal from Gaza is- first of all- a result of the armed
Palestinian resistance. If in the coming weeks we make no progress towards a
negotiated agreement, a third intifada will surely break out, and the whole country
will go up in flames.”