Interview with SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem conducted by The Island
journalist Bandula Jayasekara on YA TV's HARDLINE on Sunday, June 26
on TNL.
Q: The Joint Mechanism has been signed and the president did not involve the Muslims and they are
not a party to it. So what now?
A: We are disappointed. In fact I took it up with the president when I had a one-to-one meeting with her
and she talked about the virtues from her point of view and tried to convince me that we should
participate in the Joint Mechanism when it is established. I disagreed and I told her very emphatically
that the cause of the Muslims had been betrayed by us not being involved as a principle stakeholder as
much as the LTTE and the government are identified in the document.
Q: But you took time to protest. Why did you wake up so late?
A: Not really. We had to also show the distinction between our protest and that of the nationalist
elements that have come up against it with violent protests all over the country, originally spearheaded
by the JHU's hunger strike campaign and thereafter the JVP which threw in the towel as far as the
government’s efforts are concerned. We didn't want to confuse our motives with that of the JVP or
the JHU since we are not in principle against entering into some working arrangement with the LTTE to
reconstruct the tsunami affected areas in the north east.
Q: Why do you think that it might compromise the interests of the Muslims?
A: Principally the fact is that the Muslim community is a nationality that has a particular status when it
comes to its legal position in devolution matters. We have gradually managed as a party, when it was
participating in the peace talks. Originally, when we were not a signatory to the cease-fire agreement,
that was on the basis that there were two armed formations, that of the LTTE, then the Sri Lankan Army
which fought the war. It was strictly a matter of creating conditions of normalcy in the North East and in
order to aid and assist that process they were thinking of setting up different structures in that process.
We argued quite successfully that the Muslims are a separate distinct political entity and that we should
be considered as an independent party to the negotiations. We ultimately succeeded in getting the
LTTE as well to consent to the arrangement where we will come in with a separate delegation when
substantive political issues are discussed. This was reached in Thailand during the fourth round of
talks. Subsequently although the LTTE wasn't present at the Tokyo donor conference the entire
international community, including 53 nations and about 20 multilateral agencies, endorsed this fact and
very emphatically said that if the peace process resumes the Muslims should be considered as a
distinct party and that we should be able to field a separate delegation to the peace talks.
Q: But did the LTTE agree to it? Did the LTTE support it?
A: Well, from the very outset, before the peace talks even began, way back on the 13th of April 2002, I
had a meeting with Mr. Prabhakaran, the leader of the LTTE, where he invited me to Killinochchi. We
had a very cordial discussion for more than three hours. In fact that's the only substantive discussion
with any Muslim leader that he has had and we were quite pleased with that meeting. We were able to
agree on a variety of issues which have an impact on the future of the Muslims and we had a written
document. In that, he very clearly said that when the peace talks start the Muslims could field a
separate delegation. However subsequently they tried to play it down. We insisted, and we continued to
insist, subsequently succeeding in getting the negotiators, both the government and the LTTE, to
consent to our participation as a separate delegation when the substantive political issues come up. By
political issues we mean when even an interim administrative arrangement was to be reached.
Q: Although the MOU you signed with the LTTE leader was well publicized there were more problems
that started after it. There were more attacks on the Muslims especially in the east and other areas. So I
don't think the LTTE honoured it. So how do you see that?
A: Well, there were trading of charges between the LTTE and ourselves. From various Muslim leaders,
community leaders, and religious leaderships on both sides there were appeals for calm. We were
exercising maximum restraint in the face of provocative actions by, supposedly the LTTE. I'm not putting
the blame on anyone here but we have to be very careful on identifying as to who was responsible. But
in any event it happened. Our position was, some of these attacks originated from LTTE-controlled
areas. In fact, before the MOU was signed there were these demarcations of these LTTE-controlled
areas and government-controlled areas. After the agreement, with the LTTE cadres coming in for
political work and with the lapse of time after ninety days the entry and exit of LTTE cadres was quite
open and the whole line of control became so blurred that almost all the Tamil majority areas of the
north east were in fact under the writ of the LTTE, since they had the presence of their cadres, though
most of them could not, according to the MOU, be carrying arms.
Q: I remember once traveling with you after some trouble and the Muslims in the east asked you for
arms because they were harassed. They have suffered but what have you done as the leader of the
Muslim Congress and a Muslim leader?
A: Yes, I must say that the government also should bear responsibility towards the security of the
Muslim population since all these incidents happened in government-controlled areas. What
unfortunately happened was that the government forces, particularly those responsible for law and
order, the Sri Lanka police and its men were unable to act since they had this inhibition that if at all they
used force, used fire power that it might end up in the cease-fire being breached. They were mortally
afraid of going beyond a line and the leadership in the police too, were not willing to go beyond a point
to control a riot situation. This happened many times.
Q: Yes. But, innocent Muslims continue to suffer due to tsunami. You have lost more than one per cent.
But there is nothing happening for them from the Muslim leadership. The Muslim leaders are divided.
A: Well now this is an excuse that some people give. They say, when it comes to legitimate aspirations
of the Muslim community, you cannot simply point at Muslim leadership being divided and deny their
right to be heard. I would like to address this question to the international community. Particularly after
the signing of the this Post-Tsunami Operational Mechanism structure it is very evident that the
international community has also been somewhat complacent about the issue where the Muslims have
raised a legitimate demand to be involved as an integral party to this document, that they should be
considered as a primary stakeholder and be a signatory to the document. That being denied, what
happens is that the democratic forces that are raising this cry, in fact emanate from the grass roots and
this is the feeling of the people that they have an identity of their own and are living in clearly
identifiable geographic areas. In fact these are areas where Muslim domination is quite apparent. If they
are not allowed to handle their affairs without interference by others, it would mean that the Muslim
community is being sidelined in the process and ultimately the democratic forces may fail and the
implications could be very dangerous.
Q: The president had reassured you and the Muslim ministers in cabinet and the document also says
the Muslim community’s interests are safeguarded by this representation in the joint mechanism.
How do you see that?
A: You see there is a difference in safeguards being placed. If you mean they are talking about minority
safeguards, the Muslim community doesn't want a minority tag given to them in the north east because
when you create one structure for the entire north east, merge the two provinces and create one
structure the Muslim political strength becomes diluted. That has been our basic problem ever since the
Indo-Lanka accord. And now in order to allay the fears of the Muslims they are proposing the
introduction of the safeguards which will not suffice. We are entitled to autonomy, a certain amount of
self rule in our areas, since we have those areas under our domination. So this doesn't mean that we
are also challenging the sovereignty of the country as such, we are only wanting to exercise some kind
of internal self determination of our areas so that we will not have the interference of other forces in
areas where we dominate.
Q: TNA leader Mr. Sambandan says you have the right to be there. They don't really discount that, they
accept it. How do you see it?
A: Many Tamil leaders have been making these patronising remarks. We are sick and tired of them.
Because in practice they are not prepared to accommodate Muslims in their legitimate status, with their
legitimate status intact. When I mean our legitimate status as much as a primary stakeholder, as much
as the LTTE represents, the Muslims. The Muslim political leadership, you may call it divided, but
ultimately the mandate the people gave was for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. We got an
overwhelming mandate in the three dominant districts of the east and also to a certain extent in the
Vanni district where the Muslims voted en bloc for the SLMC. We had almost 200,000 votes and that
returned many MPs to parliament. What ultimately happened was some members were inveigled by the
government with the inducement of portfolios and various other illegal inducements. This resulted in
purposeful weakening of the clout of the SLMCwhich had the mandate from the people. Ultimately this
government got its majority by getting these members to cross over. So now when the party has its
mandate, I feel that the legitimacy of the government itself was in question. You see?
Q: But why do you let the two major parties manipulate you?
A: No, it's not a question of us letting the two parties manipulate us. You see power corrupts and
absolute power corrupts absolutely. And here what happens is with the Executive Presidency in their
hands, with the legislative power in their hands, with all kinds of forces trying to see that the SLMC's
clout is weakened since they want to have a majority in parliament...
For about three to four months during the speaker's election it was quite apparent they couldn't get the
speaker of their choice because the SLMC stood in the way. They tried to bring in all kinds of low
allegations against me and then tried to win that vote and they failed and subsequently they persisted in
their attempts and then, I cannot help it when individuals can be lured with inducements which none of
us can match because we are a small party but yet you see all of these people have got to face the
electoral once again. Particularly with this betrayal, which is a betrayal of the community and its
interests and its future, these people will have a tough time trying to convince the people that they did
the right thing.
Q- So what are you going to do about it after all these betrayals?
A- In fact, before doing all this, before going out against them, I invited them back in all sincerity. I sent
emissaries to each one of them. Spoke to them in public, invited them through a media conference,
appealed to them. In fact I told them we can forget about the past, let us hang on to our different
positions but on this single issue of winning our right to be a party to this document, which is the
threshold issue for the Muslim community. If we didn't win that right, that would mean that our efforts to
get this status properly established over a period of time. Ever since the ceasefire was signed we have
been agitating, fighting for it and have progressively achieved the endorsement of the international
community finally in the Tokyo declaration. And also getting the LTTE to agree to change their hard
stance, which very unfortunately, originally having been quite flexible on this issue when I met with
Prabakaran, subsequently variety of forces have prevailed perhaps on the LTTE and have decided to
deny the Muslims their rightful place and it would have serious implications for the peace process. If the
Muslim community is going to be treated in this fashion, we are not going to take it lying down. We are
going to go to the people. We are going to get them to democratically agitate. We are going to use
whatever power within our ranks to mobilize the people and to bring pressure. Though the President
and her clique in government has gone ahead and done this great injustice. This has been a
perpetration of a serious injustice on the Muslim community. Despite that we will go ahead, convince the
people, bring pressure so that the international community will realize that the voice of the Muslim's will
have to be heeded.
Q- You have been ignored. Your voices have been ignored. How and when are you going to start this
agitation? You told me last week that you might take to the streets. So how are you going to do that?
A- Well, we have in fact started; we have started to mobilize our people. In fact I'm starting my first
meeting in the Vanni area among the displaced Muslims, since this is a meeting that has been fixed
already. Then thereafter I'm going on to Ampara, getting our district organizers together and then we
will start educating the people going against this mechanism, because you know we have to be
somewhat patient, we had to also exercise maximum restraint until things came to a head. We put our
hopes on the efforts of those in government since they kept on saying: "Well this is going to materialize,
we have spoken to the President, she has assured us that we could sign the document, we will be a
party to it". So we didn't want to scuttle the efforts that they were making. And they made such
grandiose statement through the press. Unfortunately all of this has come to a whimper and we are not
going to be taking them on unnecessarily. I don't think we need to make an internecine warfare about
this within our ranks. When the public pressure is against them, they would realize that this is not going
to work. And they also know that an election is in the offing and it's not easy for them.
Q- Yes but the saddest thing is the victims in areas in Kalmunai, they're suffering, they're homeless,
now this was brought to help them. So how can you face them? You are their leaders. You have failed
to pressurize the President, convince her, and they're suffering its six months after tsunami. This is
supposed to help the victims of the tsunami. Muslims have suffered the most. But what's happening to
them?
A- Well I would admit that there is an element of truth in what you say but then the issue of
procrastination when it comes to helping the tsunami victims, I would blame the Government and its
bureaucracy and its lethargy. Here they had taken more than six months to set up anything substantial
to start receiving the funds and identifying the projects. Needs assessment had been done many
months ago by the multilateral agencies and the Donor community. But then the Government has been
procrastinating, dragging their feet on this issue. They have kept the matter so secret that internal
rebellion got to a point where they just simply couldn't go ahead with the document as soon as they
wished. All of this because a person with such an experience the President should have known. If you
look at Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe, when he had to take a decision he took it without too much of delay.
And then he was able to deliver and he was able to turn the economy from a minus position on to more
than 5 1/2% of growth. All of this was achieved through the peace process being on track. Though we
had faced certain setbacks Muslims did face set backs but then we were hopeful, we were able to
progressively achieve certain milestones in our struggle to be identified as an important stakeholder in
the process but then all of this has been dashed with one stroke of the pen where the President has
authorized them to make this simply a bilateral agreement between the Government and the LTTE. This
is a serious matter. This matter we will take before the people.
Q. Getting back to the International community, you were a member of the UNP peace delegation,
thereafter you travelled widely speaking to the International community, meeting diplomats and
ministers. So how come you have failed to convince the International community in the importance of
Muslims as participation with all your contacts and wide network?
A- Well there is limitation to our pressure. In fact we went on talking about it, most of them gave a good
hearing to us and they were prepared to accept our arguments. But then unfortunately in my opinion
this issue of confusing the Muslim demands Muslim political demands and then equating this to you
know there are sometimes in my opinion very unfortunately you try to put us into the band wagon of
other Muslim groups all over the world. It's a very unfortunate thing. They look at Muslim identity politics
as something that has inherent potential of becoming violent but what they don't realize is that when
they don't heed to the call of democratic political party in the entire Muslim world there isn't a party like
the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. I think the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress is the only political party which
represents minority Muslims anywhere in the democratic world. This is a unique position where we have
brought the Muslims into the democratic mainstream and had been able to convince them and give
them leadership and progressively achieve our goals through a democratic struggle but is this is
ignored, if these calls are being ignored just for political expediency it's simply because some of them
appear to be understood by the Muslim population. As if we will not be heard unless we're not armed,
and that's a very dangerous thing. We're trying to prevent that. We are fighting to be head on these
issues.
Q- But there is also an allegation that you have contributed to the disunity of the Muslim community.
What have you got to say to it?
A- You see, disunity is prevalent in every formation, every community every everywhere in every party.
You see it's a matter of degree. It may be that I had to face these calamities to such an extent since I'm
in the opposition now. Even when I was in Government, variety of forces were at work, they didn't want
the Muslims to be united. Unfortunately our members of Parliament when they get elected they feel that
the, mandate was directly given to them, not for the party. The party had fought the elections on a
particular political platform. And we insisted on them adhering to those principles, particularly when it
contested the last elections. It fought the elections on one single platform saying that the Muslims must
be now endorsed as a separate political entity in the peace process and anything that would be leading
up to the peace process. And particularly after the tsunami struck it became quite apparent this was
quite different to the peace process where the Muslims were the majority among the affected people.
Muslims suffered the most. They had the worst damages that they had to suffer. Large amount of lives
were lost. We have almost lost 1% of our population in the tsunami. With all that happening now we find
P-TOMS have been established where the structures had been created diminishing our strength in
them. And unfortunately allowing us to fight for survival within those structures which will also have
implications for us in the future peace process.
Q- How could you unite the Muslims in Sri Lanka?
A- Certainly unity amongst the Muslims isn't a difficult thing to achieve. It's possible only if, that's, that
could be brought about by the people. By pressure among the people. People know what expediency in
politics is. You see they just don't take kindly to expedient politics. They want people to stay the course
when it comes to identity politics when it comes to its legitimate demands, if anybody compromised on it
they will have to pay the price. So in a democratic society periodic elections will certainly mean a lot to a
community which is being affected by such disunity.
Q- Are there any armed Muslim groups in the East?
A- Certainly not. As far as I am concerned. You see the Muslim community has been the worst affected.
There has been this tunnel vision of the Muslim community's efforts to survive in a very difficult
environment. We have been massacred in large numbers, entire villages have been totally eradicated.
In fact in just one District in the Batticaloa District almost 36 entire villages today Muslims are not living.
They're refugees living in various parts of the District in the periphery of the larger villages simply
moving there for safety of their lives and limb. This being the situation the Muslims were at the receiving
end. And they were not the perpetrators.
Q- But do you expect these young Muslims to keep quiet?
A- Well now their patience is now wearing. The signs were quite apparent. The symptoms are already
emerging. I'm sure this is something that the International community should pay heed to. With this
document being signed in this fashion depriving the Muslim community of its legitimate right to be a
signatory to the document, this betrayal will certainly give some kind of impetuous to such elements. We
would certainly go into the field try and minimize the impact of it. We will try and give them hope that it's
possible to still agitate democratically still bring pressure on the International community, the Donor
community and also to get the Government and the LTTE to change their current position when it
comes to the Muslim community.
Q- But do you expect them to have patience for so long? It seems they are losing interest or they don't
respect their people who're representing them in the Parliament. They are being harassed and they're
affected. So do you expect them to hang on for so long?
A- You see, there are a variety of reasons that contributed to this, particularly in the Muslim majority
areas of the Ampara District and also the Batticaloa and Trincomalee District. This irrational buffer zone
issue has complicated matters so much of resettlement and rehabilitation of the Tsunami victims with
the scarcity of land in most of these areas it is virtually impossible to even create temporary shelters for
them and the government policy of not paying compensation for people within the two hundred meter
buffer zone. They are still vacillating on the question whether it should be two hundred, hundred or fifty
or even not to have a buffer zone at all. In fact it is my contention that this buffer zone is not going to
work. In most of these countries where frequent tsunami's strike it has been a practice not to have the
buffer zone at all but to allow people to build at their risk but the provide evacuation centers and also
have a better early warning system but the Sri Lankan government has very fool hardily gone into this
buffer zone criteria and has confused the whole process of rehabilitation and reconstruction. In fact the
needs assessment done by the donor community too could go hay wire if changes are affected to the
buffer zone rule which inevitably have got to be affected.
Q- What do you see as the greatest challenge to the interests of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka?
A- Greatest challenge is to succumb to the pressure tactics of the government, LTTE and others. We
need to be firm when it comes to standing up for our rights, you see injustice somewhere means
injustice everywhere. You simply cannot agree to take things lying down on this issue we need to be
resilient in fact the Muslim community is a very resilient community, it has faced hardships it has been
facing this adversity for many long years. We have been discriminated, we have faced difficulties. There
had been violence perpetrated on the Muslim community without any reason being attached. You see
we have been ethnically cleansed from the entire North and driven out and our people are living in
refugee camp for more fourteen years without any hope given to them. Now they are talking about the
PTOMS agreement facilitating their return, well its not going to be that easy its going to take a long time
the security is a principle issue. You see we cannot go back without our security being properly
ensured. But I'm sure our community is a resilient community it will emerge from this tsunami with
commitment to win the struggle.
Q- Ranil Wickramasinghe has failed you, Chandrika Kumaratunga has failed you, LTTE has failed you,
where do you go from here?
A- Well we don't depend on anyone to save us, or I don't say they had to fail us and for me to throw up
my arms in despair and say I have no where to turn to. I have my people to turn to. They are a resilient
community, they have to be given leadership. We will stand on our feet, we will learn to coexist, we will
learn to turn this nation into a prosperous nation where we can be proud citizens of this country
enjoying equal status with the others. But of course I have my respect for the National leaders Ranil, or
Chandrika, or anyone they have a difficult job to perform but they take the Muslim case for granted.
They think that you know, you need to keep managing this problem and they don't solve the problem.
And this is the difficulty with our national leaders, they must learn to solve problems and they must learn
to take things head on. Here we feel both of the have exhibited some courage in the face of adversity.
Of course sometimes you see the expectancy of political office, or extending political office may have
been the motive. But then, they are doing a difficult job in a difficult period in country's history we must
appreciate all that. But we have to stand up for our rights we don't have to depend on others but we
have learn to coexist and live
Q- Will you join the Government? There are talks that you might join the Government?
A- Certainly not. I don't contemplate on taking up portfolio's its mere speculation in my opinion. We have
to lead from the front, from among the people and not be aspiring for office every time you are in the
opposition.
Q- One last question what is your mood today? Are you sad, do you feel dejected, unhappy or angry?
A- I would say I am somewhat furious at what has happened but yet as I told you, we need to be very
firm in what we stand up for but we must also exercise restraint we need not be exasperated or we need
not despair at a time like this, we have hope, we can rise from the ashes.