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By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
[An Updated version of article that appeared earlier in www.tamiliana.com]
"Something is rotten in the state of Denmark" was what the Bard from Avon said centuries ago about
the land of "Hamlet" in his drama relating to the vacillating prince of Denmark. Many of us in Sri
Lanka or abroad have known that something was rotting in the Island nation for many decades since
Independence from the British. Different people have had and will continue to have different ideas
about who was or is to blame.Many interpretations have been given to the sequence of events
troubling the country in the past.
Needless to say a dominant school of thought among the Sinhala people holds that the minority
communities particularly the Tamils are to be blamed for all the problems. The Tamil armed struggle
which often took on a "terrorist" hue has made it easy for these proponents to push their line. The
rise to power of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam with its ruthless and often unnecessary violence
has really helped in this respect. There are many who say that there is no ethnic or political problem
in Sri Lanka. The only problem is "tiger terrorism" they say.
The Thamil people on the other hand blame Sinhala Buddhist majoritarian hegemonism as the root
cause for all these types of problems. The systematic discrimination , oppression and repression
pushed the Tamil people to a position where they had no choice other than to take up arms is their
stance. Even those Tamils who do not agree with the policies or methods of the LTTE often
subscribe to this viewpoint. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has been one Sinhala leader who
has had the courage to admit this and say so publicly on numerous occasions.
Recent developments however have demonstrated that there is a powerful political strand within the
majority community that is still unwilling or unable to make any meaningful move towards ethnic
rapprochement or reconcliation. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya with
their numerous appendages are firmly opposed to President Kumaratunga entering into a joint
mechanism with the LTTE for rehabilitating and reconstructing the tsunami affected areas of the
North - East. The JVP has even quit the government on this issue. The saffron brigade has
conducted so called "death fasts" and is likely to do more in the future.
The anti - joint mechanism forces have launched an agitation and unless nipped in the bud will
enlarge their scope of action tremendously in the future. From the time some saffron clad political
activists and politicians in white nationalist gard intimidated Chandrikas father into tearing up the
Bandaranaike - Chelvanayagam pact this pattern of Sinhala - Buddhist aggression against any
meaningful agreement with the Tamils has persisted. Only Junius Richard Jayewardene defied this
type of resistance. But then he had the Indians threatening him with a greater danger. Sadly the
Provincial Council brought in to devolve power to the Tamils works in all parts of the Island except the
North - East.
If the earlier opposition was to protest some political power being given the Tamils the opposition at
this juncture is indeed laughable if the matter was not so serious. The protests now are against what
is essentially an administrative arrangement for providing tsunami relief and rehabilitation.
Interestingly the opponents of the Joint mechanism say that they do not know the details of the
proposed structure. If so the opposition then is to the principle of a joint mechanism with the LTTE.
"No truck with a terrorist organization" is the battle cry. Fine! But then the Country - particularly the
Sinhala areas - has been enjoying peace and relative prosperity for the past three and a half years
only due to a ceasefire agreement entered into with the same terrorist organization. The logical
conclusion of this argument can only result in a revocation of the ceasefire and war erupting. That is
what the warmongers and the arms lobby want.
It must be frustrating indeed for the International community and other proponents of the Post -
Tsunami Operational Management Structure to see the tragi - comic drama unfolding before their
eyes right now. Their brainchild conceived in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster is on the verge of
a forced abortion. The carefully constructed mechanism aiming to contain the tigers in rehabilitation
and reconstruction may never see the light of day given the powerful ultra - Sinhala opposition to it.
The international community that aided and abetted Colombo in prosecuting a war with the LTTE
realised by the turn of the twenty - first century that the Sri Lankan forces were incapable of
achieving a military solution against the LTTE. The series of defeats suffered in the Wanni during
Operation Unceasing waves, the successful military strikes in the peninsula including the fall of
Elephant Pass, the siege of Jaffna, the defeat of the States much flaunted counter - offensive
Operation Agnikheela etc demonstrated that a military victory was beyond the reach of Colombo.
It was then that the Western nations and Japan began actively promoting the peace process. Earlier
it was lukewarm support on the one hand for peace while bankrolling South Asias longest war on the
other. It was decided that the only way out was to promote a political settlement during the course of
which the tigers would be "contained" in a state of non - combat. It was perceived that the longer the
tigers kept away from fighting the greater their chances of dissipation, dissension and decay. It was
correctly surmised that internal revolts and defections will occur. These were partly proved right in
the form of Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias "Col" Karuna.
Unfortunately for the "west" the xenophobic Sinhala chauvinists were unable to realise that the peace
process was being mooted and promoted for their own good. The idea was not to split Sri Lanka but
to ensure the fractured Islands unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity albeit in a federal system.
The west was also prepared to let the LTTE enjoy some "extra - Constitutional" power in the process.
The main idea was to keep the tigers quiet and away from the battlefront. The West was ready to
tolerate many human rights violations including the killing of political dissidents and conscription of
minors by the tigers as long as they did not start fighting with the Sri Lankan state. Of course some
token protests were raised but they were for the most part - token.
Unfortunately the West never comprehended or anticipated the extent of anti - Tamil feelings in the
Sinhala supremacist psyche. They miscalculated the inherent hegemonistic attitude of the Sinhala
majority (Mahajathiya) towards the minority (Sulujathiya) communities. They rushed in like fools while
angels who had burnt their wings like India feared to tread. The end result was continuous cries of
opposition to the West's well - meaning efforts by the Sinhala hawks. An active conspiracy theory
was floated and believed that Oslo was the catspaw of sinsister forces out to dismember tiny Sri
Lanka. The bitter irony for the west was that the conspiracy theory if at all present in the peace
process was only aimed at weakening the tigers gradually and doing away with the separatist threat .
But the "Deshapremi pandithayas" have other ideas.
Given the prevailing conditions and their own constraints in discussing a federal solution the LTTE
came out with its Internal - Self Government Authority proposal. Even before it was discussed the
knives were out. The chief culprits in this were President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and
her trusted foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. They whipped up a campaign against the ISGA
and used it as a stratagem to condemn the Ranil wickremasinghe regime. The JVP . Buddhist fronts
etc joined the bandwagon. After shamelessly exploiting the situation to her advantage Kumaratunga
dissolved Parliament and held elections. She joined forces with the Sinhala "National Socialist " JVP.
The bogeyman was Wickremasinghe who was accused of selling out to the tigers.
They won but without an absolute majority. Worse still for Kumaratunga she found herself a captive
of the JVP that had got 39 seats, four ministerial and four deputy - ministerial posts. Despite the reins
of office being in her hands Kumaratunga found herself completely shackled when it came to the
ethnic crisis. The JVP was against Norwegian involvement, against devolution and against having
anything to do with the tigers. If Kumaratunga thouht the lure and spoils of office would have
mellowed the JVP she found the national socialists as firm as ever on the tigers. In a sense the JVP
was being honest to its policies, election manifesto and voters. This resulted in a deadly stalemate
on the ethnic front.
The tigers were losing patience fast. By December last year the LTTE had decided on some firm
action. It was decided to declare a withdrawal from the ceasefire by Feb 23rd 2005. The
announcement to that effect was to be made on Jan 14th. There would be no immediate recourse to
war but the LTTE would be keenly watching the situation. If that situation had come to pass a full -
fledged war would have been inevitable by April - May this year.
Then came the tsunami disaster. North - eastern coasts were devastated as in the case of the South
- west. Given the extent of suffering caused a return to war by either party was out of the question.
On the other hand the natural calamity provided a humanitarian opportunity for resumption of
dialogue. There was no need to talk of federalism or devolution or the ISGA proposal of the LTTE.
Instead both parties could talk about providing relief and rehabilitation to the afflicted people.
Moreover both sides could forge a common mechanism to address those needs and concerns
speedily and effectively. If this did materialise then that could pave the way for further talks on more
substantive issues.
In order to encourage this move the international community pledged a very generous aid package
but with one big string attached. Both Colombo and Kilinochchi should forge some joint mechanism
for the money to be delivered on time and as pledged. In fairness to her Kumaratunga too
recognized immediately the merits of this move. Thereafter she actively promoted such a venture.
The LTTE too responded positively. Yet the pace of discussions on what was an urgent humanitarian
project was dismally slow. Despite the tardy progress the project reached finality. And then the
excreta collided with the oscillator.
Many years ago former TULF Parliamentarian S. Kathiravetpillai made an apt comment about the
nature of things in Sri Lanka. Comparing Sri Lanka to the apartheid South Africa state prevailing at
that time Kathiravetpliilai said" Racism in South africa is skin deep; Racism in Sri Lanka is soul
deep". Even the West may have never bargained for the reaction to the so called P- Toms or Joint
mechanism. Of course the objection was to giving powers to the terrorist LTTE but the underlying
thoughts were fundamentally racist. After decades of exercising hegemonistic control over the Tamils
the hard - liners were in no mood to accomodate sharing power even in a tsunam relief project. The
Amarapura Mahanayake in an interview to the BBC used the word "demallu" (Tamils) openly and
inter- changeably when rferring to the LTTE.
Now the Sinhala chauvinist supremacists have won the first battle. They have succeeded in
pressurising Kumaratunga to backtrack on the JM for the present. She has promised that she will not
sign the document without consulting the Mahanayakes. She has also guaranteed that the JM will not
threaten the unity, sovereignity or territorial integrity of the Country. This was no concession as the
project never did harm those in any way. In fact the JM strengthened those further.
The JVP threatened a pull - out from the Government on June 16th if Kumaratunga did not pull
back from the project by June 15th. At midnight the JVP announced it had quit and scheduled a
press conference on June 16th to explain their position.
Kumaratunga however seems equally determined and has declared that she would quit rather than
go back on the Joint mechanism She continues to delay signing the agreement perhaps due to
astrological considerations. There is talk about a bill being presented to Parliament too. Defections
are also in the air.Politics is the art of the possible and many turns and twists are possible in the near
future.One silver lining has been the common position on joint mechanism between Kumaratunga
and Wickremasinghe.
Whatever the final outcome of this unholy struggle one fact has been proved conclusively. The
original sin in this garden of Eden was Sinhala - Buddhist majoritarian racism. Sri Lankas slow path to
decline and destruction began with the Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinist policies of the post -
Independence era. The fundamental and major problem standing in the way of a united , undivided
Sri Lanka has been majoritarian hegemonism and unwiilingness to recognize the inherent rights of
the other minorities or nationalities living in the ISland. Other problems emanating from other
communities are minor or lesser in nature when compared to this.
From the time this peace proces began I have been interacting with several western diplomats and
journalists. They would continuously harp on the LTTE factor and project it as the biggest stumbling
block to lasting peace. While agreeing that the LTTE does pose a problem I would argue that the
greater problem would be the Sinhala chauvinists. The activities of the tigers would give them a
pretext but historically the majority mindset will not allow any tangible rights to the Tamils I would say.
I would also point out past history and say that the power elites were either unwilling or unable to
withstand opposition on these issues and will be cowed down by the chauvinist forces.The response
on most counts would be polite disbelief. The naked exhibition of aggressive Sinhala Buddhist
consciousness against the proposed joint mechanism may have demonstrated what is rotten in the
state of Sri Lanka.
Let there be no mistake about it. The rise of Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinism is the bane of modern Sri
Lanka. From the days of the Buddhist Commission to the present times of a joint mechanism this
underlying current is visibly present. From Anagarika Dharmapala to Omalpe Sobitha there are
Buddhist champons ever ready to deprive Tamils. There are excuses always and the jargon used
appears to be reasonable and just on the surface but the vicious communalism is always there. Now
the brutality and violence of the LTTE is depicted as the reason justifying opposition to the joint
mechanism. But then these same forces attacked SJV Chelvanayagam and Appapillai Amirthalingam
as exyremists too.
The rise of the religious right is a dangerous phenomenon in South asia. India is fortunate that there
are vast numbers of intellectuals, political leaders and opinion makers from the Hindu community
itself who are prepared to combat this Hindu Chauvinsm openly and vigorously. In Sri Lanka there
are very few members of the Sinhala Buddhist ethnicity who are prepared to do so. Unless and until
a new breed emerges from the Sinhala - Buddhist entity to challenge this hegemonistic school of
thought effectively utter ruin is unavoidable. Forget about Tamils or Muslims there is no hope for the
Sinhala people in the modern world if these arch - reactionaries continue to flourish. Let us not forget
that for four and a half years (1966 - 70) we had our week - ends on Poya and pre - poya day. Such
was the depth of our folly in trying to appease Political Buddhism.
It has been said of the French Bourbons that they learnt nothing and forgot nothing. The same could
be said of the Sinhala - Buddhist hegemonists too. If the International community does really want a
genuine, just, honourable and durable peace in Sri Lanka it must address itself to this majoritarian
mindset. The problem lies there. It does not matter whether the LTTE is really prepared to abandon
Tamil Eelam or not at this juncture. What matters is that the JVP and JHU are giving the tigers a
very legitimate and valid reason to decline direct talks on a lasting settlement. If the Sinhala majority
is not ready to share power on a limited enterprise like the joint mechanism what chances are there
then that a scheme of devolution or federalism will be accepted? would be the tiger argument.
Against that backdrop the LTTE cannot be faulted if it does not come to the negotiating table. One
only hopes and prays that the LTTE will not resort to war.
The recent demonstrations against the Joint mechanism and the JVP stance are a firm wake - up call
to the International community.Something is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka. It is time to take note of
what is really wrong in Sri Lanka. The root cause of the problem needs to be addressed. But then
how long will that take?
Meanwhile The North - Eastern victims of the tsunami have waited too long for relief and redress.
They cannot be expected to languish in refugee camps while the majoritarian chauvinists whip
themselves into a frenzy. How are these innocent victims of a natural disaster going to receive the
pledged international aid? We cannot wait for a joint mechanism to be forged in a society that is soul
deep in racism. Desperate situations require desperate remedies. The suffering people should get
help as soon as possible. Time is of the essence.
