Address by President Chandrika Bandaranaike
Kumaratunga at the High Level Plenary Meeting of UN
General Assembly in New York
15th September 2005
May I at the outset extend our sympathy and solidarity to the people and the
Government of the United States of America as they begin reconstruction and
rehabilitation, following the recent Hurricane disaster on the Gulf Coast. We do so
while recalling the generous and spontaneous response of the people,
Governments of other nations and the Government of the United States, and so
many member States of the United Nations, the UN and other international
agencies when the Tsunami waves hit Sri Lanka last December.
Mr. President,
I had the honour to deliver my first address to this august Assembly in my capacity
as the President of Sri Lanka at the historic Session in 1995 when the United
Nations celebrated its 50th Anniversary. It is a distinct pleasure therefore, to revisit
this forum ten years later. More so because we commemorate this year, both the
50th Anniversary of Sri Lanka’s UN Membership, and the 60th Anniversary of the
United Nations. It is time to take stock, and remain focussed with a view to moving
forward. We have a substantial unfinished agenda and new challenges to deal
with.
Mr. President,
The United Nations is the most representative universal body, that can legitimately
seek common solutions to common problems, that are acceptable to our diverse
membership. As recognized by the High Level Panel and the Secretary-General in
his report “In larger freedom: towards development, security and human rights for
all”, the United Nations, despite its many achievements, and because of its great
potential, has to do more to keep pace with the changes that have occurred in the
world since its inception sixty years ago. Reform of the UN must be in the
multilateral interest and embrace all facets of the UN’s activities.
The vision that we will adopt at this summit should indeed be decisive. It should
serve as a roadmap which would catalyse further change and reform. Reform must
affect our entire agenda, the mechanisms we adopt to implement it and the
resources we make available. It cannot be piecemeal and must benefit all member
States equitably. The integrated approach to security, development and human
rights is the key to this.
Allow me to re-visit an issue of current significance – global terrorism – taken up
both in 1995 and in the year 2000, where action remains pending internationally,
even as we in Sri Lanka are trying out an integrated approach to resolve our
problem in the midst of great challenge.
More than 10 years ago, my Government launched a bold policy of a negotiated
settlement in place of conflict, and a federal solution as against a separate State.
With the support of a broad multi-ethnic coalition of parties I proceeded to talk with
the rebel armed group the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) about ending
the conflict, and discuss with all the parties in parliament about a new more
inclusive, political Constitution that would share power with all communities. This
policy shift laid the ground work for a new approach to fighting terrorism and the
peace process in my country, that simultaneously addressed Security,
Development and Human Rights.
We engaged the rebels in a ceasefire that we hoped would save lives and allow
people, particularly those living in the conflict-affected areas to live and work more
closely and freely. This we believed would have a positive influence on the overall
climate for peace, thus improving security. We increased development work in
conflict-affected areas because we believed that all of our citizens, irrespective of
where they live, what ethnicity they belong to, or even who they are forced to live
under, must have access to health, education and jobs. And we believed this
would give the rebel group, the LTTE an opportunity to engage in useful and
constructive work that may benefit the people directly, rather than preparing for
conflict.
And we took a number of steps to improve the human rights of all the people of
the country, with a special focus on the concerns of ethnic communities who have
not been fully included in the past.
As part of the peace process, successive Governments have given the LTTE all
facilities as a party to negotiations, including access to foreign entities and
Governments, at times using the good offices of the facilitators – the Norwegian
Government, who have made considerable efforts to move the process forward
under difficult circumstances. However, this process of engagement and
accommodation does not seem to have persuaded this Group to move away from
terrorism, as is evidenced by their recent killing of my Foreign Minister, their
continued recruitment of child soldiers and their killings of political rivals.
Such actions of an armed group engaged in a peace process tests the
commitment of a vast majority of the people of the country, to pursuing a
negotiated settlement. Although we had the option of a military response, we have
rejected it. And instead are choosing a different approach – to reiterate our
commitment to a ceasefire and to a political solution, whilst reviewing the previous
approach towards negotiating with this Group. This review has begun with a call to
the international community to help exert real pressure on the LTTE, in order that
we can engage them in a process that will lead to a lasting peace, bringing about
democracy and human rights.
Mr. President,
The challenge we face in Sri Lanka is not unique. Vulnerable democracies which
have undertaken bold, political initiative to address the root causes of terrorism
and seek political solutions by engaging ruthless armed groups find themselves in
a genuine dilemma as to how to develop a credible and acceptable approach to
such negotiations.
If a democratic State, which consistently conforms to international norms and laws
and uses non-military means to address the problem of terrorism, weakens as a
result of the activities of terrorists, chaos, and lawlessness will follow. Extremism,
fundamentalism and tribalism will reign supreme. As a result, peace and security,
within and among States, as well as universally accepted human rights norms and
fundamental freedoms will suffer. It will also lead to weakening of the ‘inter-
Governmental system’, which is the bedrock of this Organization. This ‘inter-
Governmental system’ chain can only be as strong as its weakest link. It is
therefore essential to strengthen collective ability of the system to combat and
address terrorism.
In this regard, we must be absolutely clear that the engagement of armed non-
state actors for peace making should not be done at the expense of the capability
for democratic governance of a sovereign State that is conducting itself according
to internationally accepted laws and norms. The UN and the international
community can help in developing mechanisms that support States engaging in
such peace process and sanction terrorist groups that undermine them.
Mr. President,
It is, therefore, timely for this Assembly to address the question of practical means
to deny external access and support to such entities to sustain their military and
fund raising activities that are detrimental to the ongoing peace processes. We
hope that the mechanisms already put in place by the Security Council against
such offending non-state actors will eventually represent an effective deterrent
against such activities. In the absence of such measures, those groups may
continue to engage in illicit financing and arms procurement whilst enjoying the
political privileges gained through engagement in peace processes. This in turn
will erode the credibility of all our peacemaking efforts including those of the
United Nations, and years of work in codifying international legal and other
measures against terrorism.
Even with rebel groups engaged in peace processes we must adopt procedures
that reward genuine peace making on one hand, and impose sanctions on acts of
terrorism on the other. Without this, vulnerable democracies will find it extremely
difficult to launch and sustain effective negotiations with armed groups.
The Secretary General in his report to the current Summit has correctly observed
that a small network of non-state actors and terrorists, have brought about new
challenges before the international community. The forces of globalisation have
aggravated this situation. Trans-national networks of terrorist groups have
acquired global reach and made common cause in posing threats to democracy,
peace and security within and amongst states.
Mr. President,
If we are to fight global terrorism, poverty and disease, we must take an integrated
approach to security, human rights and development, both nationally and
internationally. We must act together as a UN system to support and strengthen
States that are addressing these challenges comprehensively. This would form an
essential part of the mission of the UN for the next decade.
Thank you.