"Mahinda Gamana": Futile Journey to Certain Disaster
BY D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Once upon a time when there was no Parliament or elections or politicians mouthing
patriotism a great "missionary" journeyed from his native land India to the Island
presently known as Sri Lanka. He was supposedly the son of emperor Asoka but now
a devout disciple of Indias greatest son the Gautama Buddha. His mission was to
enlighten the people of this Island and spread the teachings of Lord Buddha. After
wandering in the forests he encountered the ruler of the land on a hunting expedition.
This meeting on the mountain of Mihintale was truly historical.
The King Devanambiyatissa embraced Buddhism. In a sense Tissa was the first
religious convert in this Island. Fortunately there were no moves to ban religious
conversions through legislation then.The arrival of Arahat Mahinda heralded the
advent of Buddhism to this Island. It enjoys foremost place and continues to flourish in
this Country.The majority community in terms of numbers on this Island is the "Sinhala
Buddhist" ethnicity.
Today there is much excitement of a Sinhala Buddhist resurgence.Some politicians
are talking of the Sinhala Buddhists overcoming their adversaries both real and
imaginary. These enemies come in different hues ranging from the North - eastern
tigers to the Nordic vikings. All of them need to be overcome or expelled. Anyone
dissenting is a traitor particularly those Sinhala persons holding a different viewpoint.
The methodology is to elect a Sinha - Buddhist champion as the new Executive
President.
Who else but a sturdy Sinhala - Buddhist "puthra" of the Southern "Ruhuna" soil?
Mahendra Percy Rajapakse known nowadays as Mahinda Rajapakse is the man of the
hour! If the arrival of Arahat Mahinda introduced Buddhism to the Island the election
of his namesake "Apey" Mahinda as President is expected to usher in a Sinhala -
Buddhist revival. This then is the destination of this nouveau "Mahinda Gamana" .
The crimson comrades of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the saffron brigade of
the Jathika Hela Urumaya will be the wings on which "Apey" Mahinda is expected to
soar towards his and the nations tryst with destiny. There are shades of the
"Diyasena" myth discourse of 1956 elections in the "Mahinda Gamana" symbolism of
2005.
Both the JVP and JHU have each presented Mahinda with twelve commandments
disguised as political conditions. Wonder what magic there is in the number twelve?
These twenty - four points are the basis of understanding and support extended by
the two parties to Rajapakse. Some of the JVP demands overlap, some are different
and some even contradictory to those of the JHU. Nevertheless Rajapakse has
agreed to all and the JVP and JHU see nothing to complain about. These "gospels"
according to the JVP and JHU will be the mainstay of Mahindas campaign.
There is no tripartite understanding but two separate bilateral pacts betwen Mahinda
and the JVP - JHU combine. In essence these comprise a single whole with subtle
nuances of differences. Usually political understandings between two parties are
arrived at in a spirit of compromise and incorporate principles of both parties. In this
case it was only a one - way street.The JVP laid bare its demands and Mahinda
concurred. The JVP presented him with a document and Rajapakse signed it
obediently.There was no input from Rajapakse.
As pointed out earlier by this columnist the 12 point agreements entered into by
Rajapakse with the JVP and JHU are in many instances diametrically opposite to what
the current Sri Lanka Freedom Party government of Chandrika Kumaratunga
ostensibly stands for in terms of ethnic policy and economics. Mahinda Rajapakse is
part and parcel of that government and functions as its Prime Minister. Though he
kept silent on many issues or was uninvolved there is no public knowledge of
Rajapakse ever disagreeing with those policies. Yet he has had no qualms about
signing pacts containing provisions totally opposite to those policies.
It is Mahinda Rajapakses decision to sign an agreement with the Hela Urumaya that is
more troubling than the JVP. The JVP opposition to devolution, talks with the LTTE
and Norwegian facilitation stems from its basic policies however faulty they may be. It
is for centralisation and equal rights for all individuals therefore it objects to devolution
or special recognition of minority community needs. Its opposition to talks with the
LTTE is due to its utter mistrust of the LTTE and there are some grounds for this. Its
resentment towards Oslo is based on its anti - Imperialist anti - western Capitalist
worldview and resultant misunderstanding of Norwegian motives.
The JVP was at one time fundamentally marxist. Yet it was paranoid about Indian
expansionism and therefore treated the hapless plantation proletariat as Indian
agents. One of Wijeweeras famous five lectures dealt with this. This anti - Indianism
surfaced again in 1988 - 89 after the Indo - Lanka pact. The JVP conducted a brutal
campaign of violence going to the extent of banning "bombay" onions and "Mysore"
dhal. Yet the same JVP revised its ideological standpoint in recent years and mended
fences with India.It cannot be forgotten that the JVP did not target Tamil civilians
during its campaign.
There is reason to believe that the JVP has resorted to playing the communal card
only to garner Sinhala votes.In spite of the anti - minority streak in its history the JVP
was not overtly racist. It is now adopting a hawkish line to enlarge its base among the
Sinhala Buddhists.The JVP line is both tactical and strategical. At the same time the
JVP also tries to woo minority votes. It has a Tamil and Muslim MP in the present
parliament. The JVP also worked diligently in providing relief and succour to affected
tsunami victims of the East including Tamils and Muslims.
If these are some redeeming features in the JVP the JHU and its attendant baggage
are a dangerously different kettle of fish. These elements are fundamentally racist,
ethno - populist and xenophobic. The JHU and its "parivaar" consist of mainly Sinhala
Buddhist supremacists and hegemonists masquerading as nationalists and patriots.
Let me emphasise here that I am referring to those clergy and laity espousing the JHU
doctrine and not to the vast majority of Sinhala Buddhist priests or people of this
Country.
When SWRD Bandaranaike was assassinated by a Buddhist monk the dying premier
was sharp enough to observe that he was shot by a man in yellow robes. He did not
say Buddhist priest because no man who killed could in any way be called a true
Buddhist let alone a bhikku. It is by the same yardstick that the political priests of the
JHU and their followers have to be judged.
By engaging in direct politics the JHU clergy are no longer priests in my perception.
These are only politicians - and dangerous ones at that - wearing yellow, orange and
saffron robes. They are no longer immune from criticism and are not entitled to the
customary respect due to them. This was demonstrated clearly in Parliament when
Sinhala Buddhist Parliamentarians inflicted injury on the private parts of a venerable
Bhikku.
The JHU ideology if dissected will reveal nothing other than hollow inanities. Their
concept of "Dharma Rajya" reminds one only of JR Jayewardenes "Dharmishta
Samajaya". The implicit and explicit danger of the JHU is its undisguised and
unadulterated ethno - centric Sinhala Buddhist consciousness and hegemonic vision.
To the JHU Sri Lanka is a Buddhist Country for the Buddhists. They are the true
"Bhoomi Puthras". The minority communities are here only on sufferance. They must
not abuse the generosity of the people "chosen" to perpetuate pristine Theravadha
Buddhism. Buddhism should be state religion and Buddhists given pride of place.
In this racist perspective there is no room for minorities not even Sinhala christians. It
is an open secret as to who is behind the church torching and pastor bashing. Some
elements involved in anti - Muslim and and anti - up country Tamil violence are well
ensconced in the JHU. The minorities must know their place and take it according to
the pecking order.
The Indo - Lanka agreement recognized Sri Lanka to be multi - ethnic.It also
acknowledged the North - East to be areas of historic habitation of Tamils and
Muslims. The JHU is against this paradigmatic shift brought in by the Indo - Lanka
accord. There are no historical habitats, multi - ethnicity or special minority rights
according to the JHU. Most Sinhala expatriate outfits are unashamed apologists of the
Urumaya. So too are many people in very eminent positions. There is a lot of support
in the armed forces too.
Comparatively therefore the JVP is the lesser of the two evils. It acknowledges the
equality of all ethnicities and also woos the minority vote at this point of time. The JHU
has only Sinhala Buddhist hegemonism as its agenda. It focuses only on the majority
vote and does not regard the minorities as of any consequence. The JVP is more anti
- tiger and less anti - Tamil while the JHU is totally anti - Tamil and anti - minority
notwithstanding its ""soft corner" for Tamils toeing an anti - tiger line. If and when the
JHU taste absollute state power minority bashing will be the order of the day. There
are a lot of simiarities between the JHU policies and those of the fascists and neo -
fascists.
The ultra - rightist politics of the JHU achieves another undesirable result. In a bid to
outmanouever the JHU and grab the Buddhist vote the JVP is likely to adopt a more
extreme stance. Thus the JVP could be as ultra - rightist as the JHU to gain mileage..
This does not bode well for the minorities Though garbed in religious veneer the JHU
is only a dangerous political outfit seeking power at the expense of the minorities and
true national unity.
What has happened now is that Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse is dependent on
these forces for victory. He has completely surrendered to the JHU.After Mahinda
signed the agreement with the JHU his leader and President rebuked him. There was
an expectation that Rajapakse would at least not sign a pact with the JHU. But this was
not so. Rajapakse blatantly defied Kumaratunga and signed a pact with the JHU. The
symbolism of that signing was unmistakable.
Rajapakse went to Kandy the last capital to capitulate to the European invader. He
went to the most sacred Buddhist place of worship the Dalada Maligawa.The Bhikhus
were all there decked in saffron glory."Apey" Mahinda knelt before the JHU chief
Ellawela Meddhananda and received the copy of the agreement. Both then entered
the temple to worship together before the tooth’s container amid various Buddhist
rituals. The document was finally placed before the relic in order to make it sacrosanct.
Rajapakse now projects himself as the defender of the Buddhist faith and guardian of
Sri Lanka's unitary Constitution. In spite of criticism by liberal - democratic and leftist
sections along with minority community representatives Mahinda continues on his
Mahinda Gamana. He has not flinched from stating his Sinhala - Buddhist Unitary
Constitution line publicly. He also boasts of keeping Sri Lanka undivided and unitary
but not united.
If that is the public face of Mahinda the private voice of Rajapakse gives out different
signals. The Presidential candidate is meeting many interest groups and special
sections. In a clumsy attempt to be all things to all persons Rajapakse assures minority
representatives and sections of civil society that all is not what it appears to be. "What
you see is NOT what you will get" he and his coterie of advisers say. The agreements
with the JVP and JHU are only electoral devices to garner votes.The SLFP manifesto
will have different things. After victory I will be free and independent and not bound by
the JVP and JHU agreements.
After formulating a blueprint for certain war in association with the JVP and JHU
Rajapakse tries to assuage minority concerns by saying that there would be no war.
He talks of meeting Pirapakaran face to face. He talks of being a father of three sons
and being against war. His actions in signing agreements speak louder than his words.
But Rajapakse adds insult to injury when he and his stooges try to convince skeptics
that he would be campaigning on an extremist platform but when elected will adopt a
moderate line.
It is very shameful that a man who wants to be President can take up one stance
publicly and other positions privately depending on who he is talking to. Obviously the
JVP and JHU cannot be unaware of the diverse stands of Mahinda. He may have told
them "this is only to calm the minorities and others and get their votes but I will adhere
to the pacts signed with you all. The JVP and JHU may not be unduly bothered by
Mahindas oscillatory positions because they know that they have got him firmly in their
grasp.
I do not know which of the myriad Mahinda viewpoints are sincere. But I am firmly
convinced on one thing. No honourable person seeking to lead a Country can be this
dishonourable. One would respect Rajapakse even if one disagreed with his policies if
he stood clear and steadfast. But here is a man who signs agreements embodying
some principles and then tells others not to take them seriously and that he will
charter an independent course after victory. Furthermore this Buddhist patriot takes a
vow at the temple of tooth to uphold the agreement and then tells civil society
members that he wont follow it.
Sadly there are people who attribute this chameleon like conduct to political sagacity.
He is doing this to widen his voter base and there is nothing wrong in this they say.
The minorities need not worry they assure.There wont be any war. These people do
not know what they are talking about. If Mahinda Rajapakse wins and tries to
implement the agreements signed with the JVP and JHU the logical conclusion can
only be WAR!. It is only a matter of time but war is as certain as the sun rising in the
East if President Rajapakse tries to follow the pacts signed with the JVP and JHU.
It is also obvious that even if some minorities vote for Mahinda and he is elected
President the new ruler will not hold the scales evenly. In this cynical exercise of
satisfying different vote banks only the larger ones will get preferential treatment. The
larger vote banks are of course from the majority community. Even in the past
Presidents elected with considerable minority support took a pro - majority line.
How can any one trust a man who says that he will not honour the pacts he signed with
the JVP and JHU if and when elected? What is the guarantee that he would honour
any promise made to the minorities also in this fashion?
The most important point however is that politicians cannot mobilise votes on certain
promises and then do something different easily. The forces they unleashed will not
allow them. SWRD Bandaranaike tried to be fair by the Tamils after coming to power
riding an anti - Tamil wave. He was not permitted and ultimately paid the supreme
price. The Tamil United Liberation Front whipped up emotions among Tamil youths
and tasted sweeping success on an eelamist platform. When he tried to moderate
himself and seek compromises the younger brothers turned against their elder
brothers.Even recently Kumaratunga struck a faustian bargain with the JVP, dismissed
Ranil, dissolved Parliament and rode to pwer. But when she tried to reverse her
stance the JVP stuck to its guns and we all know what happened.
Despite all this Mahinda and his supporters are trying to control damage and refurbish
the tarnished image among minorities by mouthing pious platitudes privately. I do not
think Mahinda and coterie are sincere in saying that they will jettison the JVP and JHU
after victory. With Parliamentary elections in the offing that is virtually impossible. So
Rajapakse is bound inextricably with the JVP and FHU. The Mahinda Gamana can only
take the Country on the road to war and disaster. Kumaratunga can put a spoke in
Mahindas Gamana if she wants to . Otherwise only realisation of the seriousness of
the situation and concerted action through the ballot by all people who love this land
genuinely can prevent the debacle.