Reply: "Time for JVP, JHU to reach to minorities"
Learning from the Past
By K. Arvind
Apropos article "Time for JVP, JHU to reach to minorities" (Island 8/10/2005) by K.
Godage (Nanda) is one that goes to advance peace in our particular context. At a
time such as this, when this once united multi-ethnic nation - now hurtling towards
disintegration - a few more Godages will help heal deep wounds on both sides of the
ethnic spectrum.
Many have been the occasions when going by reading him, one felt Nanda was
somewhat partial in our great debate. It is good to know he is far from being part of
pseudo-nationalism. We need more balanced analysts between the two emotionally
divided entities.
For those on the extreme Sinhala side who constantly ask "Where is the evidence of
injustice to the Tamils?", Nanda, in his highly readable article, provides sufficient
answers. He says the JVP and JHU stands for majoritarian politics where the Sinhala
and Buddhist will rule over not only the ethnic minorities, but also the religious
minorities (Me Sinhala Apage Ratai). This fear has alienated not only the Tamils and
the Muslims, but hundreds of thousands of law abiding, religious Sinhala Catholics
and Christians as well.
Nanda sets the record straight in stating it was in 1956 the process of alienation
began - a point the pseudo-nationalist fringe will argue till the end of time. It brings
little credit to the Sinhalese, Tamils and the rest that we were consumed by paranoia
until the arrival of a foreign army on our soil to make Tamil "also an official language."
It may be recalled here SWRD originally conceded this in 1956, until Buddhist
extremists intimidated him to jettison what he had solemnly put in writing. That this
remains mute and only on paper from 1987 is a further example of the obstinacy of
yet another important arm of state power ” the Administrative Service ” now manned
by graduates with a pan-Sinhala orientation. They play their own game of subterfuge
at the appropriate time irrespective of what parliament or the political leadership lays
down. It is this part of the state that also paralysed the implementation of the
Citizenship laws of 1948 resulting in much avoidable friction between our government
and that of India.
The same fate befell legislation in the late 1980s involving the settlement of the
"residual" issue of the citizenship of Indians here. Cunning bureaucrats insisted on
documents difficult (sometimes impossible) to produce and scuttled the good intention
of the legislature.
Nanda's charge that a Tamil man, with no knowledge of English or Sinhalese cannot
lodge a complaint in police stations in the south of the country in the only language he
knows, is met by the weak argument the government lacks infrastructure (Tamil staff,
typewriters, computers, etc.) to implement this scheme.
One is reminded of that chronic system in the colonial days when the judge,
prosecution, defending lawyers in courts were Englishmen or English-speaking. When
the case is over the Court Mudaliyar tells him "Deng Yanda Puluwang" ("you may now
go"). The rural litigant innocently asks "Hellungatada? Getharada?" (To gallows or
home?).
That is no different to the justice available today to the Tamil ignorant of English or
Sinhala languages, in the south of Sri Lanka. It is comforting there are decent
Sinhalese like Nanda and thousand of others who are pained by the attacks on Tamils
in 1956, 1958, 1977 and 1983.
So far as the Tamils are concerned, that does not appear to be the end. Pre-planned
communal attacks have continued and will probably continue with impunity and under
the very nose of the law. Remember Bindunuwewa in 2000? Nearly 30 Tamils were
slaughtered here by mobs numbering over a thousand. Except for some cosmetic
justice initially, everyone arrested have been let loose.
It is fortunate in Nanda we have one of many prominent Sinhalese taking pains to
understand why some of the Tamils supported the Vaddukottai Resolution of 1976
calling for a separate state since there is no other alternative left after decades of
negotiations and talks. All the Tamils were left with till then were broken promises.
Nanda correctly points out the Tamils seek equality and not "special status."
It is said in some quarters the JVP privately agree they have no real reason to object
to the P-TOMS arrangement. They know P-TOMS is only for a specified period and to
focus on RRR of tsunami victims. However, the JVP opposes an agreement between
the Tamils and the government where the Tamils are treated as EQUALS by the
Sinhala government. How more communal and trivial can one get?
Adding to Nanda's comments on federalism, let me add contrary to what the public
have been fed to believe, it is a choice to prevent separation and a means to maintain
territorial integrity and the disintegration of a country. The Supreme Court is the final
arbiter of disputes between the centre and the federated unit. The vital security
services, foreign policy and finance will be controlled by Colombo.
The hardline and unaccomodative stance of the JVP and JHU will not only hasten the
coming of Eelam, but also result in the international community moving for the LTTE
out of frustration.
Both the local and international communities worked hard and for long to get the
LTTE drop their "Eelam or nothing" position. This is a sizeable victory with a once
unyielding armed outfit like the LTTE. If the extreme fringe here continue to frustrate
the efforts of the international community they are likely to opt for the next choice.
Of the two major mainstream Sinhala parties, with the UNP showing more savvy, there
is a way out to prevent the disintegration of the country that is to deal with the LTTE
with finesse and professionalism. The CFA that prevented hostilities for four years
bestowed several tangible benefits to the south, chief of which is being able to visit
the north and Nagadipa, which many Sinhalese had written off for good.
The Tamils say they got little to do with the North-East. And yet, in campaigning
against Ranil's UNP government of 2002-2004 that CBK dislodged in terms grossly
unfair, she came back to power on a subtle and yet shrill anti-Tamil campaign a sure
winner with the floating Sinhala vote.
Once again, the Sinhala people, with their own admission to be a race with a
remarkably short memory, were duped. In retrospect, Ranil's 2001 government
brought tangible peace to the country after two decades of war that took a heavy toll
of men and material. The debacle of Elephant Pass with superior manpower
advantage and sophisticated equipment is now a sad and embarrassing memory. In
just over two years in power, Ranil brought the economy back on track with about 5%
growth whereas CBK achieved a poor 1% in one year whatever excuse is trotted out.
CBK, JVP and JHU cried hoarse that the CFA spells "immediate separation" and the
end of the Sinhala race. CBK came to power in 2004. Why did she not abrogate the
CFA, if it had those dangers she warned the Sinhala people during the elections? And
this same Chandrika realising her "reign" is coming to an end, tells the Sinhala people
here and the international press in New York that she is grateful to Ranil for saving
the country through the CFA.
How more perfidious can one get? In the final analysis, a people, after all, get the
government they deserve.