Key issues in Sri Lanka's presidential election
by PK Balachandran
In the Sri Lankan presidential election of November 17, political mobilisation is being
shaped by a variety of factors and a wide range of issues. These relate to questions
of the identity, security, survival and economic development of ethnic and religious
groups; Sri Lanka's unity and integrity; the LTTE's attitude; pan-ethnic matters
relating to governance and economic development; personal attributes of the two
principal candidates; and the effectiveness and credibility of their grassroots level
political organisers.
Ethno-cultural issues
The election has brought to the fore issues of ethnic and religious survival. One of the
principal candidates, Mahinda Rajapaksa of the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party
(SLFP), is directly or indirectly mobilising support on the issue of the identity, progress
and survival of the majority community -- the Sinhala Buddhists. They are about 70
per cent of Sri Lanka's population of 20 million.
Even though Rajapaksa himself is not blunt about it, and his public statements are
politically correct, his alliance with the Sinhala nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna
(JVP) and the Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) has given an
impression to the voters that he is a pro-Sinhala Buddhist person.
The Sinhala-Buddhists see him as a protector of their culture, religion and country --
Sri Lanka (the only country Sinhala Buddhists can call their own, as they ever so often
point out). It is believed that Rajapaksa will prevent the division of Sri Lanka into
ethnic or religion based autonomous units like an autonomous Tamil or Muslim unit in
a federal system.
The dress and mannerisms of Rajapaksa are contrasted with Wickremesinghe's
Western attire and demeanor. Rajapaksa is portrayed as a dyed-in-the-wool Sri
Lankan in general, and Sinhala Buddhist in particular.
The rallying round of the Sinhala Buddhist majority around Rajapaksa has alienated
the minorities of the country, like the Sri Lankan Tamils, Indian Origin Tamils, Muslims
and Sinhala Christians. The minorities are flocking to Rajapaksa's principal rival, Ranil
Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP).
The Tamils, whether Sri Lankan Tamils of the North East, or the Indian Origin Tamils
in the rest of Sri Lanka, fear that they will be discriminated against by a Rajapaksa
regime. They fear that their political and economic progress will be thwarted by
Rajapaksa. This is not because Rajapaksa is himself undesirable, (he is personally
secular and also much loved) but because he could become a puppet in the hands
of his allies, the JVP and JHU, which are perceived to be anti-Tamil.
The Christian minority's bugbear is the anti-conversion bill, which the SLFP
government tried to enact at the instigation of the JHU. The Archbishop of Colombo,
Oswald Gomis, wrote an open letter against it and Rajapaksa, in a knee jerk reaction,
wrote back accusing the clergyman of virtually instigating Christians to vote against
him. Rajapaksa pointed out that his manifesto never mentioned the anti-conversion
bill.
The Muslims too are worried about the new "political Buddhism", spearheaded by the
JHU. They resent the setting up Buddha's statues in Muslim villages in East Sri Lanka.
Wickremesinghe is indeed a Sinhala Buddhist, but many voters are reluctant to
accept his credentials as a protector of the political and cultural interests of the
Sinhala Buddhists. They have a doubt if he would preserve Sri Lanka as an undivided
state with no room for an ethno-based sub-unit like an autonomous Tamil Homeland.
Of course, not all Sinhala-Buddhists think so. Many view the SLFP/JVP/JHU set as a
backward communal one. Such people tend to support the UNP. UNP supporters do
not make religion or community an issue at all. They look at Wickremesinghe as a
secular, non-communal person who thinks of "Sri Lanka" as whole.
They believe that he will bring about economic growth. They believe in the efficacy of
the peace process which Wickremesinghe initiated in February 2002. They do not
believe that he will divide the country on ethnic lines and dismiss such allegations as
malicious propaganda. They do not believe in Rajapaksa camp's allegation that
Wickremesinghe has a secret pact with the LTTE.
Wickremesinghe, eager to get a lead among the Sinhala-Buddhists, has been trying
hard to solve his image problem by announcing plans to promote Buddhism and
displaying his knowledge of the religion. But this has not won many over to his side.
LTTE's attitude
Although the Sri Lankan Tamils living in the North and East are eager to vote for
Wickremesinghe because he is non-communal and has brought about peace, they
may not be able to vote for him because the LTTE's interest and agenda clash with
their interest.
The LTTE, through its front organisations, has asked the Tamils of the North-East to
stay at home and observe November 17 as a Black Day.
The LTTE views this election as an election of the Sinhala majority because both
candidates are playing the Sinhala-majoritarian card, and neither of them has made
any workable and acceptable proposal to solve the Tamil problem to the Tamils'
satisfaction.
While this is the stated position, political observers say that the LTTE has an unstated
reason for wanting a boycott. Articles in the media friendly to it have been hammering
the point that actually, Wickremesinghe is more dangerous for the Tamils and the
LTTE than Rajapaksa and that it will be good if he does not come to power. The
argument is that if Wickremesinghe came to power, he would strengthen the
"International Safety Net" for Sri Lanka which he wove in 2002. He will get India and
the dreaded US to play a direct role in the peace process in Sri Lanka.
[Courtesy: HindustanTimes]