Editorial: Sunday Leader
Mahinda frees himself from JVP and JHU bonds
The confident comrades of the JVP who expected to come out with a
magnificent performance in the March 30 elections at the local
government polls would by now be licking their wounds in some party
hideout. The results of the polls will no doubt be interpreted in various
ways by political analysts, according to their prejudices and loyalties.
However, an undeniable fact is that it brought the JVP down to earth.
JVP leaders were convinced of their support in the electorate and
during the last two weeks of the election campaign, they
unequivocally told President Mahinda Rajapakse: ‘We made the
government and you the President. This is our government. We can
keep you as President or revert you to your former position of the
leader of the opposition.’
The JVP comrades were apparently afflicted with a common political
ailment: Too much power too soon and were convincing themselves
of their power with their own rhetoric.
The immediate impact of this JVP debacle is that it frees President
Rajapakse from the chains that bind him — chains which he put on
himself to win power at any cost.
Now despite the JVP holding 39 seats in parliament and together with
other parties having the potential of defeating the government,
President Rajapakse can tell the JVP comrades in true Avurudhu
tradition : Go hang yourself on a kadju puhulang tree. President
Rajapakse will be free to proceed with the peace process irrespective
of the demands of the JVP and JHU regarding facilitation of the
negotiations by Norway and tearing up the Cease Fire Agreement
There is no other sensible option available now for the JVP other than
to become the chief dayakaya of the Temple of Mahinda Chinthana.
However, it can also opt for the hara kiri way by confronting the
government with the allegation that it was going back on agreements
signed with them and the JHU and betraying their constituents on two
of the main election pledges. But such a move is unlikely because the
stand taken by both parties have been positively rejected by the
The extent of the JVP’s defeat last week can be gauged from their
performance together with the SLFP at the last general election.
Massive preferential votes were polled by some JVPers such as by
Wimal Weerawansa. It surprised all because in elections before this
party had been barely able to scrape more than 5 to 10 percent of
the total vote. In comparison this time their performance has been
abjectly poor failing to win even pradeshiya sabhas in remote areas.
At the time of writing the only pradeshiya sabha won has been at
Tissamaharama, considered the birth place of the JVP which they won
the last time as well.
Polling this time dropped to around 60 percent where as Sri Lanka
has been noted for the high percentage of polling, reaching at times
even more than 80 percent. This low poll adds on to the misery of the
JVP defeat because their vote being largely based on party cadres,
low polling should not have affected them as it did to other parties.
Did it mean that their supporters and even their party cadres were
getting weary of JVP politics?
The JVP defeat also raises another question about its potential. Did
they at the last general election eat into the SLFP vote bank or was
the SLFP saved by the support extended to it by the JVP? This
election was said to be a test of strength of the JVP and surprisingly
they came a cropper. Is Sri Lankan political history repeating itself?
When the Marxist parties the Samasamaja Party and Communist
Party joined hands with the SLFP the fear expressed by political
analysts of the time was that the well-disciplined Marxist parties would
gobble up the rag- tag SLFP under a dynastic leadership. Yet the
On the other hand, President Rajapakse owes an explanation to the
people at large on why he is going back on the two main issues on
which he won the presidential election: Tearing up the CFA and
sending the Norwegians back home.
Rajapakse was compelled to eat his own words and publicly proclaim
that that the Norwegians will remain as the peace facilitators. He
attempted to getaway claiming that at the Geneva talks the CFA was
revised because of the changes agreed at Geneva by both sides. But
this argument is not convincing enough because Rajapakse cannot
pin point to any clause of the agreement that had been changed. The
least Rajapakse can do is to confess to his gross errors which held
out false promises to the people and assured him a slender victory.
He has to admit his crass political opportunism that made him
President. But such admissions and confessions are not a part of the
Sri Lankan political tradition.
The UNP suffered a further erosion of its vote bank on Thursday. The
grand old party still ranks among the first two parties in the country as
is evident from Thursday’s results and obviously it has to be
revamped. It has happened to the UNP before, in 1956 when it
suffered its first disastrous defeat. The party revamped itself and
within four years bounced back to power. It happened in 1970 after
an ignominious defeat but J.R. Jayewardene in seven years was able
to lead it to the biggest ever election triumph and the party went on to
rule for 17 continuous years. There are leadership problems today
caused by Velupillai Pirapaharan wiping out the cream of the party.
The UNP has to rejuvenate itself. This should be done by looking out
for new blood and not old hack horses that have crossed over for
their own political gain.
The UNP has been attracting quite a lot of flotsam and jetsam, whose
immediate past such as that of Mahinda Wijesekera would bring it no
In most democracies it is said that a party comes into power not so
much because of its own dynamism and leaders but because the
public had got tired and weary of the ruling party. This is also the
reason why a party that has won an election a few months ago cannot
be defeated because its still fresh in the minds of its supporters and
there has been no time to commit major mistakes. That perhaps is
part reason for the victory of the SLFP despite its leader going back
on the two pledges on which he won the presidential election.
But President Rajapakse has great potential. He can go on for six and
even 12 years some say. That is one reason why many are flocking
from the UNP to join his party. But can he do it with the scarce talent
available? Some form of alliance with the UNP can be mutually
beneficial to both parties as well as the future of this country.