"Ranil's campaign to checkmate Mahinda"- reply:
Time for JVP, JHU to reach out to minorities
by K. Godage
(Former Ambassador)
Dushy Ranatunge, who filed many valuable reports on the LTTE from London has
written a perceptive and thought provoking article. I wish to respond to one or two
observations of this most interesting article, Ranil's campaign to checkmate Mahinda:
He says, "The peace perceptions of these particular strata of Sri Lankan society are
very different to the expectations of those pro-federalists in metropolitan Colombo.
These layers of society which the JVP and Rajapakse are trying to win over, view
peace in terms of a multicultural democratic society in which all citizens are equal,
something like multicultural England. They reject federalism or anything that will give
special status to an ethnic minority held to ransom by a terror group, the same way the
so called middle England would reject any special status to the sizeable South
Asian/Black/Jewish minorities in England."
Do these "layers of society" view peace in terms of a multicultural democratic society in
which all citizens are equal? If they only did, we would have conceded to the minorities
equal rights, rights which we demand for ourselves, with regard to their language
which was the principal issue that gave rise to other issues such as standardisation
and allegations of discrimination in employment etc.
The JVP and the JHU stands for majoritarian politics where the Sinhalese Buddhists
will rule over not only ethnic minorities but also religious minorities on the basis of their
slogan "ME SINHALA APAGE RATAI" meaning. "This is the country of the Sinhalese".
Mr. Ranatunge need only to talk to at least some of those whom he refers to as "the
members of the brigade in Saffron coloured uniform" (his description) to know that he
is completely wrong in his understanding of the JHU; the JVP certainly identifies with
the poor.
The constituency they seek to win over which, he says, "view peace in terms of a
multicultural democratic society in which all citizens are equal" unfortunately does not
concede that ours is a pluralistic society. Their position is the absolute antithesis of a
multicultural, multiethnic, democratic society in which all citizens are equal. The Tamils
and the Muslims feel that they have never been treated as equal citizens. It is a
perception we must address in our own interest.
Many Tamils claim that there is not even a verse in Tamil in the National Anthem to
acknowledge and recognise their existence in a united Sri Lanka. Many feel that Tamil
should be taught to Sinhalese children and Sinhala to Tamil children in all schools to
promote national integration and forge unity. The Tamils today claim that they feel
alienated. It was in 1956 that the process of alienation began and they came to be
treated as second class citizens. In 1972, the Constitutional safeguards, which the
minorities had enjoyed, were removed in the new Constitution as well as the name of
the country was changed to the old Sinhala name.
Mr. Ranatunge would, no doubt, be aware that it took 30 years after 1956 to give
Tamil parity of status, but that, too, was done only because of Indian pressure and the
Indo- Lanka agreement! In 1987, Tamil became, in terms of the 13th Amendment,
"also an official language"; but it remains so only on paper. Does Mr.Ranatunge know
that a complaint cannot be lodged in Tamil at any Police station in this country outside
of the Northern Province? Does Mr. Ranatunge know that no Tamil could transact
business in his own language in any government office including a Post Office, outside
of the NP. Does he know that hardly any Tamil has been recruited to the SLAS or the
SLOS or to any of the state services since the 1960s? Does he remember the anti
Tamil campaign of Cyril Mathew (sadly named after a Christian Saint), who gave all
Sinhalese a bad name, was the man principally responsible for the killing of innocent
Tamils in July 1983, which tarnished the image of the country worldwide. It should not
be forgotten by Mr. Ranatunge that innocent Tamils were attacked in 1956, 1958,
1966, 1971, 1977 and finally in 1983; it is an undeniable fact that the Sinhalese
conceded nothing to the Tamils after 1956, despite the efforts of Solomon
Bandaranaike in 1958 and Dudley Senanayake in 1968 aborted by the predecessors
of the JHU of those times.
This is why the Tamils feel alienated. This is why we drove them to adopting the
Vadukoddai Resolution in 1976 and to insurgency thereafter. The government of the
day also sent the Armed forces to crush the rebellion in 1978 without addressing its
causes and united the Tamil people against the state.
It is the constituency of people whom he now describes as "middle Sri Lanka" "the
strata of Sri Lanka society very different to the Pro federalists" who "view peace in
terms of a multicultural democratic society in which all citizens are equal" that denied
equal rights to the Tamil people. Mr. Ranatunge states that Mr. Rajapakse stands for
"equality for all and no special status for Tamils". The Tamils do not seek special
status they seek only equality.
As for Federalism, the concept must be understood. Through a federal arrangement,
we do not seek to give special status to an ethnic minority.
Yes, it would seem so in an asymmetric arrangement but the 13th Amendment to the
constitution, to which he, too, refers, has already set in motion a process of devolution
(which is what federalism is all about).
In terms of that Amendment and the Provincial Councils Act no:42 of 1987, executive
and legislative power has already been devolved to the Provincial Councils. The issue
or rather the problem has been that the Centre has also retained power to pass
legislation on all subjects that have been devolved which in effect nullifies the
devolution. Had the Concurrent List in the 13th Amendment been withdrawn or even
amended, making a reality of the devolution, we would then have had nine federated
units in a united Sri Lanka, (I do not personally accept a "North-East Provincial
Council" the East must be de-linked from the NP in terms of para (a) of sub-section (2)
of Section 37 of the Provincial Councils Act, which provides for a Referendum to be
held in the Eastern Province to enable the electors to decide whether the two
provinces should remain linked or not). It is surprising that the JVP the JHU have not
understood the effect of the 13th Amendment and that we cannot now effect a change
without a 2/3 rd majority. What is intended by that Amendment is the sharing of power.
Those opposing a Federal solution seem to be thinking only in terms of an asymmetric
arrangement, it need not necessarily be so. There should be no break-up of the
country through the back door of a semi-independent province which could later
metamorphose into a sovereign state. President JR Jayewardene was himself opposed
to an asymmetric arrangement and hence power was devolved to all nine provinces;
but if the Province is considered too small then let us re-image the country into four or
five regions and devolve power to them all, for that would be essentially democratic. It
must not be forgotten that it was the British that arbitrarily carved out the nine
provinces and there is no particular sanctity attached to that arrangement.
I do agree that Mahinda Rajapakse by forming an alliance with the pro-poor JVP and
the JHU "is reaching out to the masses and is projecting visual and psychological
messages to cater to the aspirations of middle Sri Lanka"; On the other hand, by the
political parties of the minorities being compelled by the Melinda’s own actions, to team
up with the UNP they are sending another "message" to the paranoid Sinhalese in the
south.
It must be understood that what is being advocated by the JVP and the JHU will not
infuse any confidence in either the minorities nor will that win for us the support of the
international community to come to a negotiated settlement, which is absolutely vital in
the matter of dealing with the LTTE and its support base among the Diaspora.
The hard-line positions of the JVP and the JHU coupled with their intransigence will,
without doubt, result in the international support for the LTTE to realise Eelam. The
need of the hour is for the JVP and JHU to change and reach out to the minorities, too,
if they wish to ensure the unity and security of the country.